Who says "Khoibus are not Maring"?
We are giving below some of the truths and facts about our community - "MARING" where we come accross some instances recently threatening the rich culture and traditions of the Maring by some frustrated elements in our society.
Before going through the entire episodes let us know and understand the cultural costumes, attires, sarongs of the Maring. Some of them are given below for your ready reference.
Before going through the entire episodes let us know and understand the cultural costumes, attires, sarongs of the Maring. Some of them are given below for your ready reference.
| MARING CULTURAL COSTUMES AND ATTIRES .... |
| The above shown pictures are some of the Cultural costumes, attires, Sarongs of the Maring .... |
| Studying the "ACCOUNTS OF KHOIBU PROFILE ...." |
Terminology:
The accounts of Uipo as per the “Khoibu (Uipo) tribe, a profile” is handed down from generation to generation orally. So we cannot rely cent per cent on it. Because there is a great room where interested persons can destroy the true sense of the accounts. They called themselves (and Maring as a whole) as Uipo. They are called by others as Khoibu, in the same way where Dudu Maring Village is known as Lamlong by others.
The Beginning:
The history about the origin of the Marings is written by well-known people. The place of settlements (in Maring dialect), some of them are mentioned below:
Wanshangramrei youbini
Kulvi Songsong hungthrungme,
Mongrengphai, Wasaphai,
Makkoubung, Pulbung,
Kanglabung, Tengkonbung,
Langkoubung, Mangthelbung ……….
As per the ‘profile’ the origin of the Khoibu traced back upto Mongrengphai. These interested Khoibus doesn’t want to go beyond Mongrengphai, because beyond Mongrengphai lies Kulvi Songsong, the place of origin of the Marings.
Origin:
The Khoibu profile mentioned that they made their first settlement at Mongrengphai after coming out of the cave. This is totally wrong. They are distorting the history. The harder gate of the cave was opened by the buffalo. This seems to be misunderstood. Mithun looks like a Buffalo in the eyes of this frustrated Khoibus. The Mithun, as per the profile, was purchased from a Chothe Village, which is again distorting the history. The Mithun was actually taken from the place called CHOTE. (Here chothe village did not come to the picture).
The Settlement:
As per the profile, they travelled towards Mongrengphai. But from where. It would be from Kulvi Songsong only. So the origin of the Marings.
As per the profile, they travelled towards Mongrengphai. But from where. It would be from Kulvi Songsong only. So the origin of the Marings.
Ancient Civilisation:
Marings after coming out of the cave first settled at Kulvi Songsong. From there they spread their settlements towards many places. Some of these places were Mongrengphai, Wasaphai, Thipamna, Songkan, Khamphat, Kameng, Lata, Taap, Lichik, Mangsa etc. These places of settlements are also found in the profiles of these interested Khoibus. Could they settle in the same village as different tribes? Or did they settle in a shift like first trip, second trip etc.
The Downfall:
The Maring people (please remember not the khoibus) were known as the protector of the then kingdom of Manipur on the eastern frontier. Forefathers of the Marings used to proclaim themselves, as victorious shout of the heroe(s):
Marings after coming out of the cave first settled at Kulvi Songsong. From there they spread their settlements towards many places. Some of these places were Mongrengphai, Wasaphai, Thipamna, Songkan, Khamphat, Kameng, Lata, Taap, Lichik, Mangsa etc. These places of settlements are also found in the profiles of these interested Khoibus. Could they settle in the same village as different tribes? Or did they settle in a shift like first trip, second trip etc.
The Downfall:
The Maring people (please remember not the khoibus) were known as the protector of the then kingdom of Manipur on the eastern frontier. Forefathers of the Marings used to proclaim themselves, as victorious shout of the heroe(s):
Tik Nahade, nahade, Maring Meiringbade,
Nongpok thong-ngaakpade ……….
This can be translated as: Mighty one the patriot, Maring Meiringba
Man of the East, the keeper of the Eastern Frontier,
These interested Khoibus mentioned in their profile that many of them were killed, captured during Awa (Burma) war. If they were alive their numbers would be in thousands and more. This seems to be very sarcastic. They are just imagining that they would be much more than the population of the entire Manipur. They are trying to bring the Maring community into their fold by proclaiming the entire cultural itenaries of the Maring as theirs.
Nongpok thong-ngaakpade ……….
This can be translated as: Mighty one the patriot, Maring Meiringba
Man of the East, the keeper of the Eastern Frontier,
These interested Khoibus mentioned in their profile that many of them were killed, captured during Awa (Burma) war. If they were alive their numbers would be in thousands and more. This seems to be very sarcastic. They are just imagining that they would be much more than the population of the entire Manipur. They are trying to bring the Maring community into their fold by proclaiming the entire cultural itenaries of the Maring as theirs.
So, many a time the Maring people suffered most during wars with Awa (Burma). As per the profile, many of the people from Khoibu have fled to Machi, Kharou, Lamlong, Khunbi Maring villages during the Awa war. The present people of Charang and Tontang clans of these villages are believed to be Khoibu descendants. It may be noted here that the Charang and Tontang clans of these villages have similar culture, customs, languages and traditions with the Charang and Tontang clans of other Maring villages. So can we say that the Charang and Tontang clans of Khoibu are different from those of the Marings?
Identity Misunderstood:
The Marings from Phunal are called Phunal Maring. Likewise the Marings from Khoibu are definitely called Khoibu Maring. The oldest known village is Khoibu khullen rather Khoibu village (meaning principal Khoibu village). From this Khoibu village it spread over to the present villages. Before these present villages were formed, could they try to claim as a separate tribe by standing only from the principal Khoibu village? ONE VILLAGE ONE TRIBE! Impossible. So, the identity of our community was never misunderstood. Phunals are also Maring, Khoibus are also Maring, Narums are also Maring, Lamlongs are also Maring and so on.
The Marings from Phunal are called Phunal Maring. Likewise the Marings from Khoibu are definitely called Khoibu Maring. The oldest known village is Khoibu khullen rather Khoibu village (meaning principal Khoibu village). From this Khoibu village it spread over to the present villages. Before these present villages were formed, could they try to claim as a separate tribe by standing only from the principal Khoibu village? ONE VILLAGE ONE TRIBE! Impossible. So, the identity of our community was never misunderstood. Phunals are also Maring, Khoibus are also Maring, Narums are also Maring, Lamlongs are also Maring and so on.
Can you name any village called Tangkhul village, Rongmei village, Mao village, Thangal village, Anal village, Chothe village etc. You cannot. But Marings have a village called Khoibu. Khoibu Maring is called so not because of close proximity between them with other Maring villages. Once again it is repeatedly said that Khoibu is the name of a Maring Village. The Marings are spread over Chandel, Senapati, Ukhrul and Imphal East districts of Manipur. So, the geographical position does matter the languages of these villages. Mention may be made here that the language of Kasom khullen village from Tangkhul tribe is different from that of Toloi village of the same Tangkhul tribe. So, the difference of language can be noticed from one village to another village, whether it is from Khoibu, Machi, Phunal Maring, Langol Maring etc. We can also verify from the comparison of two profiles published by Uipo (Khoibu) Maruo Assembly. One was published as a booklet and another we can find from the website www.chandel.nic.in/Khoibu_tribe.htm (The two profiles are attached herewith for your reference. Visit for profile1 and for Profile2). We can see from the profiles where the counting of numbers of the Marings is written.
To get clear picture, let us see the following:
To get clear picture, let us see the following:
| . | Profile published in Booklet (Page 8) | . | As per profile from the website | |
| English | Khoibu | Maring | Maring | Khoibu |
| One | Khad | Khat | Khattam | Khat |
| Two | Khani | Khani | Nittam | Khani |
| Three | Khayum | Khyum | Khyumtam | Khayum |
| Four | Phali | Phali | Lhitam | Phali |
| Five | Phangaa | Phanga | Phangatam | Phangaa |
| Six | Tharug | Tharuk | Thruktam | Tharug |
| Seven | Ini | Eni | Enitam | Ini |
| Eight | Tachad | Tachot | Chottam | Tachad |
| Nine | Taku | Tako | Takotam | Taku |
| Ten | chib | Chip | Chiptam | Chip |
From the above table, the profile clearly shows that the counting of numbers among the Marings is different from one village to another village. So the difference of language among the Maring villages is not a big surprise matter for the Maring. If the identity of a community is based on the languages, then the Marings would have produced so many tribes. This would be applicable to the other tribes also.
Since the forefathers did not know the roman scripts, they wouldn’t be dictating that for one it should be written khat or khad, for six it should be written tharuk or tharug, for seven Eni or Ini, for eight tachot or tachod, for ten chip or chib. Because both the words are pronounced similar to them. Even the profile writer had written either of the two words given above (please compare counting of numbers of the two profiles). So, who is actually trying to make the difference? The interested Khoibu profile writers only. RIGHT?
We give below some of the words from two Maring villages where we can see the differences:
| English | Waithou Phunal Maring | Sambum Phunal Maring |
| One | hatdik | Khat |
| Two | Khintam | Khani |
| Three | Shumtam | Khyum |
| Four | Litam | Phali |
| Five | Maatam | Phanga |
| Six | Thruktam | Tharuk |
| Seven | Nitam | Eni |
| Eight | Chottam | Tachot |
| Nine | Kotam | Tako |
| Ten | chiptam | Chip |
Let us see some more words below:
| Waithou Phunal Maring | Sambum Phunal Maring |
| Su | Msu |
| Shui | Phyui |
| Lai | Plai |
| Sou | Phyou |
| Nei | Phnei |
| Lui | Nalui |
| Mu | Kamu |
| lah | kalah |
| Mi | Thimi |
| Khadaak | daak |
| Nabil | Khnabil |
| Thrul | Phrul |
| Trung | Krung |
| lung | Thalung |
| khap | Makhap |
| Rangcha | Yrengcha |
| Ruithat | Ruiphret |
| Sangna | Singkna |
| Na-sa | Kana-Kasa |
| Thrum | Khrum |
| Mitdou | Mitdeo |
And the lists continue so on. So, which village is having more differences among these villages. Is it the Khoibu village or Waithou Phunal village. Only the reasonable person can tell us the true picture. Can we say Phunal Marings are different tribe. Definitely Not.But khoibus are still claiming as different tribe based on the languages. This is nothing but to fool the people of Manipur in particular and India in general. Why are you creating menaces and cold war among ourselves.
Characteristic:
In toto of the said profile, the Marings too bear the same characteristic such as:
- Head hunting,
- Dormitory which is termed as “Rakhang” (“Yakhang” in Khoibu as per the profile),
- Socio-political in village level,
- A large quadrangular shield used in war,
- Settlement in high lands,
- A crude form of agriculture,
- Common land ownership,
- Every Maring village has a defined territory governed by the village chief, assisted by the village council consisted of different clans.
Population:
As per the profile, the village / place of settlement does not mention the name “Maringlane”. Is it because of the name Maring?
In toto of the said profile, the Marings too bear the same characteristic such as:
- Head hunting,
- Dormitory which is termed as “Rakhang” (“Yakhang” in Khoibu as per the profile),
- Socio-political in village level,
- A large quadrangular shield used in war,
- Settlement in high lands,
- A crude form of agriculture,
- Common land ownership,
- Every Maring village has a defined territory governed by the village chief, assisted by the village council consisted of different clans.
Population:
As per the profile, the village / place of settlement does not mention the name “Maringlane”. Is it because of the name Maring?
Language: The forefathers of Marings, whether it be from Machi, Khoibu or Phunal Maring, used the following words:
| Maring | Khoibu |
| Cherni | Cherniy |
| Seelni | Shielniy |
| Saani | Shaniy |
| Thangwanram | Thangwuanram |
| Napuiya | Napui |
| Napawa | Napaa |
| Yul | Yon (Yawn in another profile) |
| Kani | Kaniy |
| Nuwi | Nu |
| Pawa | Pa |
| Lukhup | Lukhub |
| Thraloulai | Thraloulaiy |
| Karung | Karong |
| Samkin | Shamkin |
| Karkhup | Karkhawb (from karkhop) |
| Darban | Daarbaan |
| Lhouyang | Thlouyaang |
| Lhousa | Thloukashaa |
| Laarung | Laarung |
| Chalaa | Chaalaa |
| Khuingallu | Khoyngaanlu (from Khoinganlu) |
We all know that you are trying to make out as much differences as possible, either by putting some letters etc. so that it looks like a "different".
We can know more from the two profiles, some of which are given below:
| Phunal Maring | Khoibu Maring | Contemporary Khoibu Maring |
| Moshil | Moshel | Mosyel/Muosiel |
| Angshil | Angshel | Angsyel |
| Tungshil | Tungshel | Tungsyel |
| Mothil | Mothel | Mothyel |
| Todun | Todon | Todawn |
| Kodun | Kodon | Kodawn |
| Angdun | Angdon | Angdawn |
As per the profile, the writer has used some of the language of the DEAD in order to show to the innocent people that Marings and Khoibus are different at least in dialect. Some of these words are lumni, tunni, nachum, samkil, lik, khuphi, hemucha, nungmit (slang language), awa etc.
As per the profile, Mothil is a full-fledged name for Maring and Mothyel (formerly Mothel) is just a nickname to Khoibu. But one will find the official names of the yester-years of the interested Khoibus as Mothel Khaling Maring, Moshel Tontang Maring, Angshel Saka Maring, Tungshel Saka Maring etc., which they now claimed as nickname system!
As per the profile, Mothil is a full-fledged name for Maring and Mothyel (formerly Mothel) is just a nickname to Khoibu. But one will find the official names of the yester-years of the interested Khoibus as Mothel Khaling Maring, Moshel Tontang Maring, Angshel Saka Maring, Tungshel Saka Maring etc., which they now claimed as nickname system!
As per the profile, Khoibus have seven clans namely Charang, Dangsha, Tontang, Saka, Khaling, Ronglo (Rawngluo – contemporary Ronglo) and Hongsha. Whereas Marings have clubbed together into four clans viz Makung and the first three clans mentioned above i.e.. Charang, Dangsha and Tontang. The rests Saka & Ronglo come under Tontang clan, Khaling comes under Charang clan and Hongsha comes under Makung clan. They are therefore, cannot be called parallel clans. Do we find any such similarities among different tribes? No. So, can we claim these people as different tribes? [Please note that Maringa & Maring, Tontanga & Tontang, Dangshawa & Dangsha, Charanga & Charang, Makunga & Makung, Uipowa/Uipoa & Uipo refers the same thing only in Maring. Only the profile is showing it as different and some as parallel clans just to lead the readers into nowhere but complete darkness].
As per the profile, the Dangsha clan is now extinct! Are you going to be a mere spectator when one of the clans is extinct? Can’t we find out whether the other clan “Makung” (which is one of the clans of Maring) was also got extinct among the interested Khoibus? Needs to get research. Does the name of the clans are 90% same due to their immediate neighborhood /habitation as per the profile? Or can’t we say these clans are same because they have the same origin. Only the good scholars / thinkers can know the true color of this.
As per the profile, Mr. Paris Tontang, son of Angphun Tontang of Waithou Phunal Village was married to Shangranmoy (Shangnu) Tontang, daughter of Tongin Tontang of New Checkon (Maringlane – which the profile is trying to omit). Mention may be made that almost 40% of the married couple among the Marings in every village are from the same clan only. Although the practice is strictly prohibited by imposing fine etc. but it does exist among the Maring community. So the case of Paris tontang and Shangranmoy Tontang cannot suffice to claim that they are allowed because of different tribes. Mention may be made here that the tontang, saka and ronglo subclans of Khoibus cannot marry among themselves.
Even Kansou, the sub-clan of Tontang wanted to claim that they are different from their parent clan Tontang because Red Marings consist of Kansou clan whereas the Black Marings consist of Tontang clan. The Red Marings are different from the Black Marings in respect of their dialects. Can we say that Red Marings are not Maring?
As per the profile, they converse in Meiteilon/Meeteilon as they do not know or speak each other’s dialect. This is because, the Marings do not have a common dialect. But if you speak slowly/steadily most of the languages can be understood. Moreover 100% of the yester-year Khoibus speak and understand the languages.
Questions to the reader:
There are some questions wanted to put before the readers. Before that let us carefully look at the traditional costumes of Maring tribe as given above.
Questions to the reader:
There are some questions wanted to put before the readers. Before that let us carefully look at the traditional costumes of Maring tribe as given above.
The above shown pictures are some of the traditional costumes, cultural dance of the Marings. NO INDIVIDUAL OR GROUPS CAN CLAIM THAT THESE BELONG TO KHOIBU. The Marings cannot tolerate anything at the cost of their traditional costumes, culture and customs.Only the Marings know who these interested Khoibus are? These interested Khoibus can fool other tribes but not the Marings. These interested Khoibus are testing the patience of the Marings. We know some of the interested Khoibus are showing out the above costumes to the entire world through various Medias like Cable TV, ISTV, Doordarshan, Internet etc. that these are their costumes, and the innocent people are blindly believing them. Why the profile is published in one of the govt. websites www.chandel.nic.in/Khoibu_tribe.html as the separate people (not tribe, but the link name refers it as tribe) living in chandel district. Why they are not put together along with the Marings. Are you having any interest in these issues? You too are testing the patience of the Marings.
This is our humble request to all the concern authorities not to use your August platforms for misusing the identity of the Maring community by these interested Khoibus. IT REALLY HURTS OUR SENTIMENTS. And you know the consequences too.
This is our humble request to all the concern authorities not to use your August platforms for misusing the identity of the Maring community by these interested Khoibus. IT REALLY HURTS OUR SENTIMENTS. And you know the consequences too.
Since time immemorial, Marings are known by the people of Manipur including the Meitei Maharajas as the Nongpok thong-ngākpa (the Eastern Frontier Protector). Maringi yenba khonglakpagi wari, Maringna saba Shangbaidi nāma hāngde haineido, Maringi Phunga wari, Maring Maiba are some of the ancient sayings about the Marings. They are famous for their good handicrafts. Pretty amount of handicraft products are produced by the Marings. So, the traditional costumes, culture etc .are well known by the Manipur people. They have been living in a peaceful and undisturbed environment. But slowly, their identity is threatened by these interested Khoibus. The interested Khoibus start claiming the cultural dance of the Marings as theirs. The interested Khoibus start claiming the traditional costumes (dress/attire/sarongs etc) of the Marings as theirs and showing out to the innocent people as the cultural dress of the Khoibu. As per Dak Bangla Intelligence Scan report dated 2nd Feb 2005, “Khoibus are taking other opportunities and benefits from the Marings”. This is truly cited in the report. They are using the Maring Certificate and get government jobs and other grant-in-aids etc. But still they are saying they are not Marings!!. Unbeleivable.
On many occasions they represent themselves as a tribe different from the Marings by misusing the identity of the Marings. These created unwanted feelings of frustration, anger among the Marings. So on 4th November 2003 and 1st February 2005 there were clashes between these groups (rather groups among the Marings). But these interested Khoibus said that they don’t know the reason of these clashes, accusing before the world that they have been attacked. Actually these interested Khoibus are attacking, threatening and MISUSING the identity of the Marings. The people who voiced against these clashes pretending to be good Samaritans did not ever ask the cause of the clashes. No. They will say this is none of their business. So, is it the business of theirs helping the hands of those who are threatening the identity of the Marings? Stop your BAKWAAS. Good Samaritans Huh! Some of the other tribes of Chandel District are taking advantage of such events. They dont want us to be the largest tribe in Chandel District. This is one point to be remembered.
How will the Rongmei people (for example) react, if the interested Khoibus claim/ showing out to the entire world that “Gang-ngai” is the cultural festival of the Khoibu? How will they react, if these interested Khoibus claim that the cultural attire, costumes worn by the Rongmei people belong to the interested Khoibus and start showing out to the entire world? Same situation is happening to the Marings.
On many occasions they represent themselves as a tribe different from the Marings by misusing the identity of the Marings. These created unwanted feelings of frustration, anger among the Marings. So on 4th November 2003 and 1st February 2005 there were clashes between these groups (rather groups among the Marings). But these interested Khoibus said that they don’t know the reason of these clashes, accusing before the world that they have been attacked. Actually these interested Khoibus are attacking, threatening and MISUSING the identity of the Marings. The people who voiced against these clashes pretending to be good Samaritans did not ever ask the cause of the clashes. No. They will say this is none of their business. So, is it the business of theirs helping the hands of those who are threatening the identity of the Marings? Stop your BAKWAAS. Good Samaritans Huh! Some of the other tribes of Chandel District are taking advantage of such events. They dont want us to be the largest tribe in Chandel District. This is one point to be remembered.
How will the Rongmei people (for example) react, if the interested Khoibus claim/ showing out to the entire world that “Gang-ngai” is the cultural festival of the Khoibu? How will they react, if these interested Khoibus claim that the cultural attire, costumes worn by the Rongmei people belong to the interested Khoibus and start showing out to the entire world? Same situation is happening to the Marings.
Please be very cautious that these interested Khoibus are good enough in permutation combination and modifications. They can copy/imitate your culture and modify it and can claim as theirs. You won’t be knowing all these. But their immediate neighbor knows all these things. For example a person whose name is Mothil in Maring is known by name Mothel in Khoibu. Now they are changing to Mothyel.
Moshil in Maring to Moshel then Mosyel (Contemporary Khoibu name)
Angshil to Angshel then Angsyel
Angshil to Angshel then Angsyel
Mention may be made here that, (1) various bodies of the Maring community have condemned the recently held first ever so called Haichingbawng Festival of these interested Khoibus by using the traditional costumes of the Maring community. (The said festival never exists before. They have been campaigning to perform this festival well in advance).(2) Source: The Sangai Express Imphal, July 19 2009: Maring Marnorap, Imphal sought clarification and apology from the Tribal Students Union of DM College of Arts regarding an alleged wrong caption in one of the photographs of their calendar. Maring Marnorap in a press release said that the caption 'Khoibu' with the photograph of traditional dress of Maring tribe is an insult to the community.It further said that there is no scheduled tribe called Khoibu in Manipur, recognised by the Constitution of India. Khoibu is a name of a Maring village located in the east of Chandel district, the press release added. (3) The total populations of the Khoibus is mentioned as 4000 in their portal website www.khoibu.zoomshare.com and they have reduced to 3000 in their recently launched website http://www.khoibu.com/ (portraying the photos of Late Koshang Khalling only). Can we believe these figures now? No.
These interested khoibus claimed that they are different from Maring in respect of dialect, culture and tradition. Then why they are using the cultural dress, costumes, sarongs etc of the Marings and showing out before the innocent people of Manipur in particular and India in general.Where's your costumes, cultural dress and sarongs? Why dont you show out your different costumes, cultural dress to the people instead of claimimg those attires of the Marings as yours? You know you dont have. Then why you want to be different from the Marings?
Can anybody tell us what the exact traditional costumes of these interested Khoibus are? (Actually, they don’t have any traditional dress, culture etc. different from Maring). Can you compare and differentiate with that of the Marings? You won’t be able to compare, because you don’t have anything to compare. If you don’t have anything to compare, then is there any difference between these groups? NO. Now, can we say the Khoibus are different tribe (Forget about the dialect permutation combination)? If you don’t have time to get the details, just be satisfied that this blog is sufficient enough for you to know the true picture of the Marings and Khoibus rather the Marings from Khoibu village.
In this modern world, people are becoming so liberal and they have freedom to become anything but not at the cost of others. So, interested Khoibus should not claim themselves as a separate tribe at the cost of the identity of Marings. They should not take away the traditional costumes and other cultural items of the Maring people. If they want to leave, just leave the tradional costumes, culture, customs and lastly but not the least the IDENTITY of the MARING.
There are good numbers of well-to-do families among the Marings who do not care about these happenings. They know what is happening but they prefer to be a silent spectator. They are interested in doing things where they can get something for their stomach. They don’t think even a second for their own tribe. Some bloody Marings are selling their traditional ornaments, costumes to others. Befitted action should be taken against such unwanted elements in the society.
Wake up, wake up, my dear fellow Marings. Let us join hands together and finish these menaces once and for all.
The writer does not wish to hurt the feelings of the Khoibu Maring people who are with the Marings. Sorry.
The above article/post is taken from www.khoibus.blogspot.com. We are not responsible for the contents. Reproduced here for the members discretion.
INSIDE AND OUTSIDE OF ETHNIC ENCLOSURES: KHOIBU AS A SEPARATE TRIBE BY G. AMARJIT SHARMA
Source: http://cad-manipur.org/2011/06/29/inside-and-outside-of-ethnic-enclosures-khoibu-as-a-separate-tribe/
Much of what we know today as tribe is not what earlier anthropologists understood as a particular type of society and a stage of social evolution. For tribe is no more an isolated, self-contained and primitive social formation. It is also increasingly difficult to define. The problem of a clear definition on tribe assumes a chronic form in South Asia, where tribes had co-existed with other types of social formation for centuries (Beteille 1998, 187). What we know as the scheduled tribe (ST) in India has not only been vaguely defined, but also avoids the issue of formal definition; it merely stands for a set of communities listed in an official schedule (Beteille 1998, 188). Beyond such official enumeration, tribe is both constituted by and constitutive of the social, political and geographical factors in a place. If one looks in Northeast India and broader Indo-Mayanmar areas, tribe gets defined during various encounters with valley society and polity; encounters had/have occurred both within the colonial and post-colonial states. F. K. Lehman (1963) argued that the social system in the Chin Hills in Mayanmar was moulded in response to the valley Burman.
In similar sense, tribes in Manipur have been shaped as a result of various encounters with valley society. For instance, tribe as a society moulded through rejection of any affinities with other social formation is seen in the ways Naga society has been constructing with respect to the valley Meitei society in Manipur (Sharma 2007). Hence, in hill areas of Northeast India, tribe has been evolved not merely as a stage of social formation or merely as a society intimately associated with other social formations, but largely as a response to other social and political formations in a geographical space called valley. Hills have become a label that represents the life-worlds of tribe. The response, further, led to fusion of tribes into generic ethnic identities. This process encloses one group of tribes from another, such as the Naga and Kuki/Kuki-Chin-Mizo tribes. Yet, tribes are porous and for many of the smaller tribes, articulating tribal identity both outside and inside such enclosures has been their survival strategy.
We focus broadly on the social analysis of relationships among and within tribes in hill areas of Manipur. Not all the tribes are listed in the state’s ST list and in our context official tribes refer to those tribes listed in the state’s list of ST. The state of Manipur has so far enumerated 33 scheduled tribes. But the study is a case of a ‘sub-tribe’ of an official tribe demanding the status of ST. We select the case of the Khoibus living in southeastern hill region of Manipur, who are included under the officially listed tribe named as the Maring. However, the Khoibus claim to be a separate tribe, which the larger sections of Maring tribe deny. However, what appears after close study is that this is not a situation strictly internal to a tribe, but the equation of powers among the ethnic enclosures in hill areas of the state also matters while deciding who should be recognised as tribe or ST. Even the state that has the authority to recognise tribes as schedule tribe is influenced by strong lobby of a powerful tribe who is against the recognition of certain groups as ST.
The case study of Khoibus is important because it is a case of negotiating a distinct tribal identity in between the ethnic enclosures in Manipur. It is argued that the enclosures of tribes around the generic ethnic identities like Naga have made cultural identity of Khoibus invisible. The study is also important in the sense that despite non-recognition of Khoibu as an official tribe, they live themselves as an independent tribe. The Khoibu, if one asks their identity, will not identify as Maring or part of Maring, but as Khoibu. We argue that Khoibu’s sense of tribe, though based on their discovery of social and cultural history and looks like an isolated social phenomenon, itself is the product of their response to official consideration of them as sub-group of Maring tribe, social imposition on them as part of Maring social structure and ethnic imposition to them as Naga. Social history is the product of such response.
While looking at this, the Khangshim Village has been identified as site of enquiry. In our context, this village is more than a mere social unit; rather it is the site of negotiation for surviving as independent tribe. The Khangshim Village is a peculiar case especially because the foothill in which it is located has increasingly become a non-significant space between the “hills” and “valley” around which the ethnic politics in the region are revolved. Perhaps, the case of Khoibus at the foothill area has given a different story as far the politics of identity in the region is concerned.
Invisibility of Khoibus
The Khoibus are settled in hills and foothills of the southeast Manipur. One of their settlement areas is the Khangshim Village at a foothill. The village is apparently separated from other settlement areas of the Marings. It is also a neighbouring village to a largely Meitei populated place called Kakching (a town in Thoubal District). Many of the Khoibus in the hills and foothill areas have been migrated to urban areas of Imphal, the capital of Manipur, for reasons ranging from education, jobs to other economic activities. Those villages in hills are known to them as the ancestral villages, where there is a communal ownership of land.
Their first migration within the state appears to be the foothill areas, where there are local markets such as Pallel and Kakching bazaars. They are dependent on these markets both to sell their own products (handloom products are popular) and to buy daily needs. Khoibus maintain regular relationship with their ancestral villages at the Khoibu Khunjao (Khullen) in the hills. It is apparent from interaction with the Khoibus that Khangshim village is more like a satellite village of the Khoibu Khunjao. Khangshim is one of such satellite villages. The relationship between ancestral and satellite villages is political, for every group of people desires to be rooted in their ancestral land and to prove as their indigeneity. They have been in the local news in recent times because of their assertion as a different tribe from their official parent tribe, Maring and violent reactions from the Marings who oppose the demand. The Khalling clan of Khoibus bought the land where Khangshim Village is located from the neighbouring Meiteis. The Khalling clan became and is still the head clan of the village as per their customarily laws.
The Khoibus are invisible (non-recognition of cultural identity) group of people amidst the ethnic enclosures. One does not find the name of Khoibu (as tribe) in unofficial listing of tribes. The unofficial list of tribes compiled by the United Naga Council Working Group (UNCWG) includes Maring as one of the constituent Naga tribes in Manipur and Nagaland. To the Khoibus compulsion to be recognised first as Maring and then as Naga is a paramount reality. This reality restricts the Khoibus from asserting their identity independently of the Naga nationalism. Largely, tribes in Manipur have been aggregated into major ethnic enclosures such as the Naga and Kuki/Kuki-Chin-Mizo. The collectivizing of tribes as either Naga or Kuki is something that the state (colonial and post-colonial states) and recently, ethnic civil society groups have engineered. Once the state engineered ethnic identity, it is the turn of the civil society that makes efforts to internalise that identity for different interests.
Prior to the listing of tribes into schedule tribes in 1956, the state classified tribes into “any Naga tribe”, “any Kuki tribe” and “any Lushai tribe”. This had led to consolidation of tribes into these categories, and counter-emergence of other tribal identities, especially of those who did not like the name Kuki (anti-Thadou tribes). Despite the beginning of official listing, tribes in daily life have been survived as ethnic groups: Naga and Kuki/Kuki-Chin-Mizo. The post-independence movement (particularly in 1970 and after) for integrating Nagas in North East India further solidified enclosures of tribes as the Naga tribes. Equally there have been the Kuki-Chin-Mizo tribes. The two groupings even had ethnic conflicts in 1990s. The Naga enclosure under its armed wing National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Issac-Muivah have imagined the “Naga inhabited hills districts” in Manipur, which shrinks the Kukis’ space for political maneuvers. However, against such seemingly naturalised ethnic boundaries, the description given to certain tribes as “culturally Kuki and politically Naga” is pretty confusing. Tribes like Anal, Moyons, Monsang, Marings etc. are considered as culturally “Old Kukis”, becoming “politically” Nagas in recent past. As a result, one needs to distinguish “cultural” and “political”. Robbin Burhling (quoted in Barauh 2010, 249) argues that Naga is a political project and it is not a linguistic label. There is no linguistic unity among so called Naga tribes. Further, he comments that some groups whose language a linguist would classify as “Kuki” have declared themselves as Nagas. This shows that even the culturally diverse groups could become part of political Naga. One thing is clear, the ethnic enclosures are political in the sense that diverse tribal social structures, local beliefs, languages, etc. hardly create problem in falling under broader identity. For such identity has been propelled by the invention of greater ethnic other.
Within this political Naga, the need for ethno-nationalism has been so overwhelmed that there has been cultural construction of unity above all linguistic barriers. The first “Convention of the Naga people of Manipur” was held at Mao on May 16, 1970. It was resolved in the Convention:
The Naga people aspiration to live together under a singular state has undoubtedly been motivated by a genuine patriotic urge. Moreover it is based on concrete and unchallenged facts such as that all the Naga inhabited areas in Manipur, Nagaland, NEFA and Assam are contiguous to each other and constitute a compact area, that the Nagas racially, socially, culturally and in all aspects of life are the same, that wherever they are and under whatever administrative set up they may come, the sense of oneness among them remain ever strong and that into Nagaland State will be fulfillment of the common political aspiration (Resolution of ‘The Naga People of Manipur’ cited in, Why not South Nagaland by the Forgotten Nagas (unpublished)).
The political Naga has used religion as an important instrument of transformation from culturally diverse tribes to a religious unit, “Nagaland for Christ”. To Richard Eaton (1997), the pace of Christian conversion among the Nagas after independence was faster than before. In a changing world of Nagas when they have felt the need for political support across villages and states in the cause of Naga nationalism, Christ became a “high God”. In the process, the Khoibu’s official parent tribe, Maring became largely the Christian Naga. Rajat Kanti Das (1985, 1990) remarked that Marings were motivated to call themselves as Naga more by the Church leaders than any other agency. Khoibus are learned to be largely Christians; though simultaneously old traditions still continue. And for them, Naga is a chosen political nomenclature. This choice, however, is one the smaller tribal groups are compelled to do, rather than a genuine decision.
For Khoibus, despite their historical fact of linkages genealogically to Haka, Falam, and Tedim Chins of Mayanmar, they appear unwilling to remember and emphasise these links. Influence of Naga nationalism has been the crucial determining factor. The areas where the Khoibus inhabit are geographically contiguous with the Tangkhul in northern side of the Chandel District (Ukhrul District of Manipur). This geographical affinity made easy to influence Khoibus, among other neighbouring tribes to become Nagas. The present author was told that they became Naga through the spread of Christianity by the Tangkhul pastors.
Limits of Social Landscape
The Maring, one of the scheduled tribes in Manipur has four major sub-groups: Khoibu, Saibu, Kholleiya and Dak Thlanga. Among these groups, the Khoibus are the first one who have been asserting as a separate tribe. The present author was told that next to them, it is the turn of Saibu to assert as a different tribe. Though the Khoibus are officially considered as a sub-group of Maring, they consider themselves as having separate oral history, social structure and identity; they desire their “social facts” of having distinctive history and society are sufficed for recognizing them as a schedule tribe under the constitution of India. In fact, the then (office of the) Dewan of Manipur State (before it was merged to India in 1949) in its letter (dated 6th June 1949) had recognised the Khoibu as an independent tribe. However, the Government of India, in its Amendment to the Constitution (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled tribes List Modification Order) 1956, had dropped Khoibu from the list of scheduled tribes. The Khoibus Union, which represents the voice of the Khoibus, feels that the sole reason for non-recognition of Khoibu as schedule tribe is because of the numerically larger fellow Marings, which has influenced the state government.
The members of Khoibu Union (an organization established by Khoibus that works for their interests) contented that the State Assembly had passed resolution two times in favour of Khoibu as separate tribe. However, the state has not been able to move forwards for a constitutional inclusion of them as the schedule tribe. The numerical preponderance of fellow Marings has led to the political fact that Tengnoupal assembly constituency, which is their electoral constituency, has in most of the times elect a Maring candidate as Member of Legislative Assembly. Some Khoibus whom the present author met during fieldworks expressed helplessness of using electoral representation as a means for pushing forward their demand for inclusion as scheduled tribe because of less number in the state assembly constituency compared to their fellow Marings.
The members of Khoibu Union (an organization established by Khoibus that works for their interests) contented that the State Assembly had passed resolution two times in favour of Khoibu as separate tribe. However, the state has not been able to move forwards for a constitutional inclusion of them as the schedule tribe. The numerical preponderance of fellow Marings has led to the political fact that Tengnoupal assembly constituency, which is their electoral constituency, has in most of the times elect a Maring candidate as Member of Legislative Assembly. Some Khoibus whom the present author met during fieldworks expressed helplessness of using electoral representation as a means for pushing forward their demand for inclusion as scheduled tribe because of less number in the state assembly constituency compared to their fellow Marings.
The so called Maring, from the perspective of the Khoibus, mostly are scattered in Machi and Tengnoupal blocks of Chandel District of Manipur. Other villages of the Maring are also found dwelling in Chandel town and Chakpikarong subdivision of the same district, and also in Senapati and Ukhrul districts of Manipur. The spatial enclosure between the Khoibus, settled at Khangshim village and their ancestral village, Khoibu Khullen in the interior hills, on the one hand and the Maring particularly in the Machi and Tengnoupal blocks, on the other, is a result of violent conflicts between the Maring and Khoibus, because of latter’s assertion as a separate tribe. A Khoibu resident at Khangshim village, whom the author encountered at the first entry to the village, spoke on how the Maring youths came and destroyed the village. The Marings, to him, regularly monitor the meanings and manners of organisation of their public activities, such as community festival or village meetings, etc. in the Khoibu village. Before author’s fieldwork in Khoibu village started, many stories were heard from the neighbouring Meiteis as well about how they were subjected to furies of the Maring youths for asserting themselves as separate tribe. When asked the neighbouring people about the Khoibus, their understanding was that of the Khoibus who had been displaced from Maring settlement areas. One distinct feature of the local perception of Khoibus of this village is that there was a clear identification of the Khoibus as the “rebellious” group from “mother” tribe Maring. This local perception strengthens, though unconsciously, the construction of Khoibus as a rebellious internal other. Stories about Khoibus being tortured and victimised at the hands of the majority tribal neighbour marked the author’s first encounter.
Documenting Own History
A normal observer of the Khangshim village of about three thousand Khoibu residents, violently attacked by the so called Marings (to the Khoibus), may wonder as to how they preserve their history. A distinctive characteristic of the Khoibus is the documentation of their oral history in an inequal social order. Documenting one’s own history has a specific cause. History, here, is a mode of asserting identity of a minor tribal group. This task was engineered by the Khoibu Union. The Union has written a document named as Historical background of Khoibu Tribe for circulating among their people. The head office of the Union is located at the ancestral village (the Khoibu Khullen) and it has been considered among Khoibus as the representative body of their interests. Khoibus while asserting distinctive identity have evolved such a body as their agent to write their social history. There is a semantic shift in the assertion of Khoibu identity – the shift from the Maring-Khoibu tribe to Khoibu tribe and from a “sub-group” to an “independent tribe”. Khoibus feel their identity has been misunderstood. This is well manifested in the document written by the Khoibu Union:
Khoibu people are immediate neighbour to Maring people in terms of habitation. As such there is frequent social interaction between the two tribes. Religious fellowship, social activities like games and sports etc, are jointly organised. There are inter-marriages between the two tribes. However, the lingua franca between the two tribes is the Meiteilon (Manipuri). By this reason or the other the Khoibu people are often called Khoibu Maring (Italics added).
The Union has registered distinctiveness of the Khoibu as a tribe. It asserts, ‘Khoibu is a tribe having its own distinctive culture, custom, language, genealogy, origin myth, migration, settlement, and the socio-political and religious organization. Khoibu people have Christian Worship Hymnal and Bible written/translated in their own dialect.’ The Khoibu as a tribe is proven through their defined social characteristics. Such characteristics are defined in the above mentioned document as follows:
The Khoibu tribe bears some distinct characteristics such as head hunting, common dormitory for both male and female youth termed as Yakhang in the Khoibu dialect, socio-political system in the village level/village republic, a large quadrangular and hexagonal shield use in war or battlefield, settlement on the high lands, a crude form of agriculture practice for livelihood, every Khoibu village has a well-defined territory, population and independent internal and external policy exercised by the chief, assisted by the village council consisted of different clans, and common land ownership.
The Union traces genealogy of the Khoibus in myths which were believed to be the gifts of their ancestors. The English version of their myth of origin is given as follows:
Once we human beings were
Mangsawr ruled
Khayir bound
Mangsawr was the male
Khayir was the female
It was under the stone
It was beneath the earth
There, beneath the earth
There, under the stone
Neither was healthy
Nor was wealthy
To come onto the earth
To see the earth
There was gate of stones
Hard to open
Harder to open
The buffalo opened the hard gate
The buffalo opened the harder gate.
Despite the social fact of many tribes that they trace their origin from caves; the above origin myth signifies how the present Khoibu relates with the past. Khoibus do not relate with their past simply because there is or can be a past. A more serious reason is that they attempt to locate themselves within the “dislocated world” – dislocation for Khoibu could mean the unequal social condition that does not allow to name on their own terms, and establish an identity for them. The past is being invented through social history of migration. The origin of their migration is being traced in the Indo-Myanmar border. The English version of their migration myth is as follows:
Towards Mangrengphai we travelledAt Mangrengphai
Neither we were human
Nor were we fishes
For it was like a dream
It was called Mongrengphai
At Mongrengphai
Started learning to live
Learnt to prosper.
To their migration history, the Khoibus were said to have experienced their best and prosperous life under the reign of Mikhongpa in the Inthee Basin, Angoching Range and Yoomadung Hills, in the present Indo-Myanmar border. However, tragedy started when the Awa (the Burmese army) invaded their settlement areas. This led to their migration to settlement areas of the Marings. This in fact is telling how originally they were separated from the Maring and they became part of the Maring society by chance. But their memory of suffering at the hands of Burmese army has present relevance. A Khoibu resident at the Khangshim village had revealed that the Khoibus recall their memory of suffering under the Burmese armies because of the similar suffering at the hands of the Marings. It is their experience with the Maring that led the Khoibus to recall lives under the Burmese rule and how they migrated to the present settlement. In defining themselves as Khoibu, the Khoibus register the problematic side of the ways in which Maring tribe is representing them. In this act of defining, there is an attempt to give a message that they stand at par with the rest as an independent tribe, not as a constituent member of the Maring tribe. It is claimed that they have all the basic characteristics to be called as a tribe. The characteristics like ‘head hunting, dormitory system, settlement on the high lands, village chief, village council, etc.’ are in fact in common with other tribes as well. However, they seek to cut off the continuity with the rest by asserting the difference or asserting ‘its own distinctive culture, custom, language, genealogy, history of origin, migration, settlement, socio-political and religious organization.’ Hence, the affinities with, and distinctiveness of the Khoibus from their neighbouring tribal communities are asserted simultaneously.
This context of Khoibus reminds a theory of the modern representational democracy that ‘subjects may have overthrowned the past and its spectres of ordained or divine hierarchy, but subjects only truly enter the present when they become self-representing. Further, in speaking for themselves, subjects move from a domain of exploitation, illusion and heteronomy to a spontaneous order of equal and self-determining individuals’ (Colebrook 2005, 5). But the problem with this formulation, in the context of the present study is that the Khoibu as a subject have not forgotten their past nor overthrown their past. Instead, Khoibu as a subject is very much determined by his or her own past and cultural practices. In this ways, Khoibu as an alienated self, if go by the above statement of the modern theory of representational democracy, is rescued by taking it as a constitutive part of the larger cultural context. The task of writing history by the Khoibus has been to define this cultural context. But the above theory of representation shares one important feature: entering the present reality as an equal subject and self-determining individuals. Again, the reality that Khoibu as a subject entered is a reality where he has to constantly negotiate for his culture and identity.
An interview with one of the respondents in the Khangshim village had revealed that they were not allowed to call as Khoibu. This respondent was severely beaten up for identifying as Khoibu when a group of Marings came to see him. Khoibu Union explains how the term Khoibu came to their lives and how they would like to be called:
As our forefathers have been handing down our accounts orally from generation to generation; we called ourselves Uipo. The term Khoi-pu is derived from the version of Khoi which means bee and Pu is derived from Akapu which means owner. Therefore, Khoibu means the people who own bee, beehives, and honey in the indigenous land of Khoibu territory…. Though we called ourselves Uipo, we officially represent as Khoibu to avoid any confusion of our identity.
That the Khoibu as a subject has to constantly negotiate his own history and identity is borne by the immediate reality where the Maring still claims that the Khoibu is the constituent part of it. The active role of agency that the Khoibu Union has played by writing Khoibu’s own history is also manifested in its ability to create crisis within the Maring society. A controversy was created within the Maring Student Union when the Khoibu represented as a separate unit to the Naga Student Union Delhi and submitted historical facts about the Khoibu to Naga Student Union Delhi and Naga Student Federation (NSF). The convener of the Maring Marnorap Delhi argues: “That, it was absolutely a matter of surprise and disappointment to all the Maring people when some of our dear brothers and sisters claiming themselves as Khoibu Students, had raised, without any prior information to the authorities concerned, as an issue of affiliating themselves to NSUD (Naga Student Union Delhi) and as a separate Khoibu Unit apart from Maring Marnorap Delhi (MMD). If such demand is granted without prior consultation with the apex bodies of Maring viz. Maring Uparup Assembly (MUA), Maring Literature Society (MLS) and Maring Students’ Union (MSU), it would lead to the provocation of misunderstandings and social unrest amongst the Marings regarding the history of Maring identities–social, cultural, literature etc. …. On this account, the letters and historical facts about Khoibu submitted to NSUD and NSF, should be first and foremost referred and approved by the MUA, MLS and MSU” (the information is cited in the Souvenir of the Maring Student Union, 2004).
Now it can be read that there are two levels of negotiation: criticising the Maring identity as an imposed identity on the Khoibus; and the construction of Khoibu identity through its own written history. Yet the act of essentialising is similarly occurred in the case of Khoibus. They also emphasise the essence of being a Khoibu that the Khoibu has certain shared identity among them. However, the act of essentialising has different purposes for Maring and Khoibu. For the former, it wants to retain Khoibu as Maring tribe to resist any change in the dominant social order. But for the latter, it is an act of resisting this order. Thus as far as Khoibu is concerned, it is worth mentioning that where a particular category of identity has been repressed, delegitimised or devalued in dominant discourses, a vital response may be to claim value for all those labeled by that category, thus implicitly invoking it in an essentialist way (Calhoun 1998, 17).
Nevertheless, the popular domain does not guarantee equal relationship among the ethnic groups. Interviews with the Khoibu residents revealed that the decision of the Khoibus to seek affiliation/belongingness to the larger Naga identity or seek cultural affinity with the neighbouring tribes is not measured by how much it shares with others in terms of cultural belief systems. Rather, it is decided by how much it can be secured by being in some relationships. This is supported by the perspective of ethnic group as organizational type, given by Fredrik Barth. Barth says that there is no simple one to one relationship between ethnic units and cultural similarities and differences. The features that are taken into account are not the sum of objective differences, (or similarities), but only those which the actors themselves regards as significant. Hence, the basic orientation of any group is determined by the social effectiveness of those orientations (Barth 1969). The emphasis or reinforcement on cultural similarities is only the result of that strategy to give security to its own people. The possibility of having good relationship with the Meiteis is, however, dampened by the divide between the tribe and non-tribes. Such divide continues even after efforts of the Meitei civil-society organizations to bridge the gap between the hills tribes and valley non-tribal population. Khoibus might have problems with the Maring tribe or other bigger tribes, but they feel that in the existing politics of the region their security lies in affiliating culturally and politically with a larger tribe.
The myth of cave origin, and its (myth) inclusion in the history writing of the Khoibus has in fact served this purpose. The Khoibus feel that they are culturally close to the neighbouring tribes like Anal, Mayon, Monsang and Lamkang who also have the myths of cave origin. For instance, Anals have the myth of cave origin. Anals’ ancestors were believed to emerge from Khul or cave. The ancestors were Hanshu and Hantha. It is said that a tiger killed anyone who came out of this cave. Later the ancestors befriended a bird that they promised free feeding in the fields in return for their helps. The birds divert the attention of the tiger. In the mean time, they escaped from the cave. The myths of cave origin also found among the neighboring tribes like Mayon and Monsang (Kabui 1985; Directorate for Development of Tribals and Backward Classes 1981).
What is intended to derive from this reference is that by making myth as a part of social history, the Khoibus make a strategy to ascertain cultural affinities with the rest of neighbouring tribes, yet they do not fail to emphasise their distinct identity. It can be further interpreted that though Khoibus need separate identity, ultimately the security of the smaller tribes lays in its affinity with the other neighbouring tribes or bigger tribes. This affinity is established through a skillfully worked out cultural similarities with the other tribes. It is in this project that the myth of cave origin serves a useful purpose. Fieldwork in the Khoibu village revealed that despite the fact that Khoibu shares cultural similarities with the Meiteis, the Khoibus still feel the needs for belongingness to larger Naga identity. But sometimes these needs are not out of one’s choice rather by compulsion. But it should be mentioned that not all cultural elements are emphasised in these similarities. They also feel urgent to emphasise the distinctive identity of the Khoibus. Fredrik Barth argues that cultural difference could still persist despite inter-ethnic contact and interdependence (See Barth 1969).
Conclusion
The present study suggests that the assertion of the Khoibu identity from the Maring tribe is not merely a case of conflict between the two. The case study of history writing by the Khoibus is not merely a case of constructing identity through history. Exploring history writing by the Khoibu Union is a case of how the Khoibus articulate their identity vis-à-vis other larger ethnic communities. The case of Khoibus and their struggle to assert identity as a tribe is important because on different occasions they feel that in the existing politics of region their security lies in affiliating culturally and politically with larger identity such as Naga. Yet, they also feel the need to assert their cultural distinctiveness from the dominating Naga’s concept of community. The case study of Khoibu is not only to show how a marginal community is disempowered, but more important is how such community negotiates with the dominant ethnic identities.
One Response to “Inside and Outside of Ethnic Enclosures: Khoibu as a Separate Tribe by G. Amarjit Sharma”
Revelation of Christ’s Divine Plans for the Khoibu Tribe –
By Thyelsaangphom Khaling
Tim LaHaye, the famous American evangelical author wrote in his book I love you, but why are we so different? “There are two things you never discuss unless you want to get into an argument – religion and politics. I would agree with that assessment. However, if we don’t discuss those subjects, we eliminate about 60 percent of what is worth talking about in life.”
I do not know how this percentage has been derived at, but I agree that the two subjects do intersect. My observations are based on the issue of the struggle of the Khoibu tribe to re-establish their identity. The divine plan of God is revealed as the prevailing politics and events unfold.
A greater conviction can still be drawn from the Holy Bible. The third chapter of Ecclesiastes says (extractions implied) “that there is a time for everything, and a season for every activity under the heavens. A time to embrace and a time to refrain, a time to tear and a time to mend, a time to be silent and a time to speak, a time to love and a time to hate, time for war and a time for peace. I have seen the burden God has laid on the human race. He has made everything beautiful in its time. He has also set eternity in the human heart; yet no one can fathom what God has done from beginning to end. I know that everything God does will endure forever; nothing can be added to it and nothing taken from it. God does it so that people will fear him. Whatever is has already been, and what will be has been before; and God will call the past to account.”
Recall an event that had happened as early as the first half of the 1800s and it can seen how God has made all things beautiful in its time. The Reverend N. Brown, who was a Christian evangelist and anthropologist, had tabulated the vocabularies of several languages/dialects of many tribes including that of the Tangkhul, the Khoibu and the Maring. These tribes were geographical neighbours. Till today, these tribes have their own tribal land on the eastern part of the present day Manipur State of India. Since the 1800s, several books/journals had been mentioning about the Khoibu also.
Most of the early books/journals gave its references to the Reverend N. Brown’s writings. It may, therefore, be correct to say it was a divine plan of God to have ‘Khoibu’ mentioned in His worker’s early writings and truly, no one can fathom what God has done from beginning itself. It was God’s plan that the existential purpose of Khoibu as a tribe became documented by His worker the Reverend N. Brown even before the tribe became literate.
It is worth mentioning that all tribes in Manipur have their respective history of originating/spreading out from an aboriginal village, for example – Mao, Maram, Tangkhul Hundung, Lamkang Khullen, Anal Khullen etc, if only to cite a few. A conglomeration such as this renders a feather-like beauty. Like Mao that lies on the Indo-Myanmar national highway, Maram etc, which are names of settlements as well as names of the tribe, Khoibu Khullen is the oldest and the first Khoibu settlement village in the eastern hills of Manipur neighbouring Myanmar.
The Khoibu settlements are geographically near to the Maring settlements. Christianity came to the area around the same period through the Tangkhul. Kothyel Khaling of Khoibu Khullen (later Biyang) was the first person among the Khoibu to convert to Christianity in the year 1945. But things were not easy in the beginning. The Khoibu community rejected Christianity when it reached their area.
Could it be that the Khoibu had kept their hearts elsewhere? The journey of God’s people – the Jewish people – to get to the Promised Land had taken them 40 long years because they had became intolerant and disobedient to the Sovereign God. The aboriginal Khoibu Khullen had an impenetrable fence surrounding the village habitation known as ‘Rapal’.It was unthinkable to sneak into the fence since the trespasser would be beheaded and the headhunt would be hung on the fence. There was round the clock vigil to prevent any invasion.Such vigilance was commissioned by the chief of the village (Charang Amaa) to prevent his people. It is a mystery as to how a Tangkhul Christian evangelist had penetrated the fence of the village without being caught. The evangelist went to ‘Chounad’ which is an elevated portion inside the village enclosure. Chounad is the point from where any announcement would be made in the olden days. The sound of the announcer could be heard in all sides of the village if it is announced from ‘Chounad’. Here was this man found singing Christian songs on the mound in the break of dawn.
The impact of Christianity was felt tremendously on the social movement of the Khoibu and also reaching out to many different communities as evangelist and educators. It could perhaps be the mystifying will of God at the time to remain gelled with Maring and Tarao on a common Christian platform for outreach missions. The Maring tribe helped the Khoibu in several ways. They had showed immense support when Khoibu organizations were formed in the early 1980s. There were love and encouragement as both the tribes helped each other to surge towards education and awareness. More importantly and perhaps the most of all, the elected representatives of the Khoibu area never failed to help the Khoibu.
Honorable (Late) L. Rongman,Honorable former Ministers in the Government of Manipur Mr. W. Morung Makunga and Mr. D. Korungthang were very considerate to the Khoibu people. Honorable Mr. W. Morung Makunga never failed to help and encourage the people wherever they are, even outside Manipur State.Similary, the Khoibu are proud to have served His Divine plan in the Maring field. For instance, Rev. Angpham Saka served as Field Director of the Maring Naga Baptist Association; Rawngluo Saangkungsyel (Kosyel), Secretary of the Maring Literature Society, wrote the Maring Primer in 1960; Saangsuiman (Simeon) Rawngluo served 20 long years as Choir Director of the MNBA.Several others also worked for the Maring in many fields. That is the kind of love the two tribes share. The Khoibu would be failing if we do not acknowledge what God has done through the Maring.By the turn of last quarter of the 20th century, most of the Khoibu had embraced Christianity. The Will of God perhaps during this period to restore the submerged identity of the Khoibu became even more apparent in 1988 in the form of Kadou Tlou Kareap which is a translation of the New Testament of the Holy Bible into Khoibu dialect by Simon Hongsha. While he was a student in Pacific & Asia University’s School of Biblical Studies, HI, USA, Hongsha felt that God wanted him to translate the New Testament into the Khoibu dialect of his people. In the year 1988, the Kadou Tlou Kareap was finally printed and it became the first translation of the Bible into Khoibu dialect.The key people were Simon, Ambika and Mary Hongsha. Ron and Judy Smith and the Makapala family were also the key Pacific & Asia Christian University people. The Kadou Tlou Kareap was finally inaugurated on 23rd October, 1988 at Khoibu Church and the Khoibu started using the translated Bible.The KTK was an eye-opener to the Khoibu people in the field of literature and religion and society at large. The divine plan of Christ in restoring the identity of the Khoibu people through the Bible has become clear. My conviction grows all the more as “He has made everything beautiful in its time.”Source : www.khoibu.com
Some Discussions On Khoibu Issue
(This discussion is taken from Maring Tribe Group on Facebook with permission from administrators)
The following is an opinion of a certain gentleman.
I would like to clarify a misconception that had unfortunately spread among our Maring brothers and sisters. The misconception that ‘Khoibu leaders are approaching Manipur govt and Naga bodies for separate tribe without consulting MUA.’ The fact is that Khoibu leaders did submit many petitions to MUA in the past around 8 years or so, to discuss the issue. However, our successive petitions did not yield any response. It was only then, we move our petitions to the govt of Manipur and Naga bodies. Since the Maring public are unaware of this fact, the rumor that Khoibu leaders directly approached Govt of Manipur and Naga Bodies ignoring MUA continues. We know that this wrong rumor had hurt the sentiment of Maring public. But unfortunately, no MUA leaders clarified it and Khoibus alone could not succeed in clarifying the misconception to the Maring public . So, I thought I must at least clarify to you that the Khoibus used to give due respect to the MUA and we will continue to do so. Hence, pls don’t get hurt by this rumour. If you don’t believe me, u can ask MUA leaders how many time we approach them.Let me also state few lines on IDENTITY. Since the time I can remember (and till today), Khoibus were addressed by Marings as ‘Uipowa’ not ‘Maringa’ which itself shows the fact that Uipo (Khoibu) was differently identified by Marings of the past. Whether one belongs to Khoibu, Biyang, Khangshim, Nungourok, etc, we were addressed by Marings as ‘Uipowa’. Not so long back, we found out in historical books and Govt correspondence that Khoibus were indeed identified as a separate tribe by many authors. I’m sure you must have read in a small book call on Khoibu profile that even the the govt of Manipur had enlisted Khoibu tribe in the list of Tribals of Manipur. After coming across such books and govt’s tribal list of the past, we realized that the Marings were not wrong in addressing us differently as ‘Uipowa’. However, because of lack of education amongst Khoibu at that time, Khoibu leaders did not pursue for separate identity. Or there might have been other reasons why our past leaders did not go for separate tribe. Our past leaders only can explain the situation at that time and the reason we merged with Marings.
I often heard and read or seen in facebook, the questions some Maring brothers ask; What kind of identity the Khoibus want? Is Maring not an identity? Why trying to break Maring tribe? My answer to such questions are as follows. I cannot define what type of Identity because I honestly don’t know the various types of identity. Probably, I think it is a natural phenomenon to show ones identity. And this natural phenomenon is not happening only to Khoibus. The poumei, Mate, Zemai, Liangmei, Rongmei, etc got separate identity. Well, every individual, every tribe and every country wants to show their identity especially when education comes. As an individual, I clearly remember, when I was young and without education, I used to be an extremely shy boy. I used to feel shy presenting a poem recitation or any such shows. Whenever I was called out to present a song during Christmas’ social gatherings, I used to hide somewhere. Basically, I mean to say I didn’t have any intention to show my identity when I was uneducated young boy. I think there are many individuals like me. But as I get more education, I don’t mind showing my identity, I started singing in Christmas. And as I got further education, I realized that showing my identity is very important so that people know me and appreciate me so that I can also share my knowledge for the betterment of our society. I think, this phenomenon also occurs not only to me but to billions of people around the world.
Therefore, I think realization of the importance of Identity is a universal phenomenon when the light of education comes. This phenomenon can be seen all around. For example, in 2009, Zeliangrong has been recognized as three separate tribes; Zemei, Liangmei and Rongmei. In the same year, Mate, which was with Gangte, was also recognized as separate tribe. Therefore, Khoibu is not the only tribe who wants to be identified as a separate tribe. Poumei still shares the same shawl as that of Mao from which they separated. Zemei, Liangmei, Rongmei shared many common history which they still share under common political platform. Mate and Gangte can freely communicate with each other in their own mother tongue, yet they are now recognized as a separate tribe. Therefore in front of us, we can see that many tribes who shared many similar history and language, have become identified as a separate tribe. Therefore asking for separate Khoibu identity as a tribe is just of natural phenomenon which Poumei, Zemei, Liangmei, Rongmei, Mate, etc did. So, there is absolutely no intention to break Maring. A tribe is made by God but a nation is made by man. So, a man made nation may be broken but a God-made tribe can never be broken. So, Maring will remain a STRONG Maring even if Khoibu is given a separate identity as a tribe.
The Maring brothers who talk about breaking Maring probably mean the breaking down of population of Maring. Yes, if Khoibu is identified separately as a different tribe, I too agree that the population and hence the vote bank of Maring will be affected. Well then let me state few lines on population and vote bank which are breakable.
Please remember that we have been supporting the Maring candidate who has the concurrence of the NSCN. Honorable former minister and present MLA, Mr Morung Makunga and Honorable former minister, Mr D Korungthang were all voted by us too. May be Khoibus are more concern about the politics of our constituency than the Marings do. We, the Khoibus always want to have a Maring leader elected in our constituency. You may or may not be aware of the intricacies of politics in our constituency. Well let me explain. Remember, the Kukis will do anything to win the MLA seat of our constituency ( 42 Assembly Constituency, Tengnoupal). In the past census and even during the recent census the Kukis tried to inflate their voter list. There may be many more such moves being taken by Kukis to win MLA seat of our constituency. Therefore, Marings should be wise, I mean, politically wise to win the MLA seat. The term ‘wise’ includes everything from showing love and care to showing maturity in handling any conflict. (Again, pls don’t take me wrongly, I’m just discussing politics with you. I don’t mean to say Marings are not wise. )
It is obvious that with education, everybody’s dream started changing. Everyone with education starts dreaming higher. So, obviously, the dreams of educated people belonging to smaller tribes like Aimol, Lamkang, etc must also be higher day by day with education. Their votes are an important winning factor in our constituency. If Marings behave rudely, carelessly and immaturely to this small tribes (Again, I don’t mean Marings are like that, I just said “ if ”…) and if Marings don’t care about their ever growing visions and dreams, these small tribes of our constituency might lose faith on the leadership of Marings and might take any step to fulfil their visions and dreams. They may even sent their candidate with the support of Kukis who are more than willing. So, to prevent this adverse political turn, the Marings should be kind, caring, helpful and also show maturity in handling any conflict, so that the smaller tribes have high confidence on the political leadership of Maring. The Khoibus will always support the candidate which has the concurrence of NSCN, and we also know that NSCN will always support a candidate from Maring. Therefore, Khoibu identity as a separate tribe will never break Maring politically too. Marings political future depends not on Khoibus but on the conduct and understandings of Marings towards the smaller tribes including minority Meiteis and Tamillians of Moreh.
For today I think I have written too long. But one more thing; even if Khoibu is recognized is a separate tribe, Marings have nothing to lose and Khoibus have nothing to gain, because, there is no govt job or scheme, which comes for a particular tribe. It is just a matter of registering as a separate Identity which so many tribes(Poumei, Zemei, Liangmei, Rongmei, Mate, etc) have done it.
Man-made nations may break up but God-made tribe can never be broken. Maring will remain ever stronger Maring even if Khoibu is recognized separately. Khoibu cannot break Maring even if separately recognized as different tribe.
Regarding Khoynganlu or any other issues, ), we can discuss with open mind (without emotionally charged mind).
Forced union is not a good idea when you know there is no extra benefit on each other.
Because Khoibus will always support Marings in MLA election, as NSCN is going to support a Maring candidate always. So, there’s no political break too. To avoid political break, Marings has to show understanding, caring and maturity towards other smaller tribes like Aimol, Lamkang, etc. Even if Marings are not caring or understanding towards Khoibus, we the Khoibus will continue to support Marings politically and in welfare/development issues.. So, You can take our political support for granted.
Disclaimer:Maring Progressive Forum doesnot necessarily subscribed to the views and opinion expressed above.
Tags for this post: Khoibu tribe,Maring Tribe,Saibu tribe,Shaibu Tribe
A good scholar should study both side of the coin to make the thesis more relevant. It should never be a one-sided thesis. Your Ethnic Enclosures should not exclude other ethnic constituents.