Maring Tribe

MARING-ORIGIN & HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The term "Maring" is derived from the word "Meiring" or "Meiringba" where "Mei" stands for "fire" and "ring" stands for "alive" which means "the people who keep fires unquenched/alive". The traditional oral history says that this people “Maring” or “Meiring” or “Meiringba” obtained fire from a traditional ways of making fire called “Meihongtang” using dry wood of a particular tree called Khongma-heeng with bamboo strips and dry bushes or grasses. The bamboo strips are rubbed with dry grasses/bushes against dry Khongma-heeng until fire produced due to friction. The fire thus produced is considered “sacred” (Meikhring) and were set up at sacred places like village altar called Malamun or Rlhamun, Village Gate called Palshung and Dormitories called Rkhang. The sacred fire is kept burning by feeding fire woods (Meirup heeng) and this practice of keeping fire alive/burning continued till the dawn of Christianity in Maring Land.

Today, the Marings are settled mostly in Chandel District in the South-Eastern part of the present State of Manipur (India) bordering Myanmar. Some of them are found scattered in places like Senapati, Ukhrul, Churachandpur, Tamenglong, Thoubal, Imphal East and West Districts of Manipur. But the oral legend of our forefathers that have been handing down from generation to generation says that the Marings were once living inside a cave called “Nungmuisho" in Kulvi-Shongshong under the rulership of Khopu-Rampu like 1) Charang: Purangmei (Rangmeithil) 2) Dangsha: Khalsherung 3) Makung: Kungkrung and 4) Tontang: Tangkirung (Phur'in-Phurkham/Tumpok-Khingmanchok) with full civilization. The legend further says that the life inside the cave or underneath the Earth was terribly difficult and hard. However they could not come out of the cave as there was a big stone gate called “Lungthung” sealing the gate of the cave. They tried to open the Lungthung (stone gate) using several means like pig, cow and buffalo but failed.


According to the legend, the flattened nose of pig and the crack marks on buffalo's horns were received while trying to push open the Lungthung (Stone gate). After much consultation among themselves, Shirimpa Bungrang (a black male Mithun – white spotted) was sent and the Mithun opened the gate at last. Thus, the Marings who had been struggling to set free themselves from the terrible and hard life in Nungmuisho (Cave or underneath the Earth) at last could come out of the cave and thus the first settlement on earth begun there at Kulvi-Shongshong. It is also said that Mithun is therefore the only accepted animal for important rituals and ceremonies like naming of person (Minphuk-phalphuk), erection of monument stones (Thillai), ritual ceremony for erection of flower vats and poles (Paryao/halbu-bun), as Bride Price, etc.

From Kulvi-Shongshong, the Maring people gradually scattered to different directions and established many settlements into villages. 

INDIGENOUS FAITH

The Indigenous faith/belief (Primal religion) of the Marings has been firmly based on traditional ways of invocations, worships, offerings, sacrifices, appeasement and healing. They believed in all these systems and practiced them for their sustenance.

The Marings believed that there is one God, called/known as Om (The Supreme Deity, whose natural benevolence is believed to be only one and is above all. He is the Creator (Seempi-Shapi Pu) of all things, including heavens (thangwan, nungthou, khiya ram) and human beings and things; the Sustainer (Dunpi-yukpi Pu), the God of Universe (Shimlei-Thangwan Pu). Besides this, they worshipped other lesser gods or gods of the lower realm called 'Thrai'. They also worshipped the local deity called Rampu-tupu/ram thrai/lukbam thrai (god of the high places/sacred places); they also believed in the village deity (Kholamal-pu/pallshung thrai); and the 'ancestral deity' called Cheem-thrai. Whenever the Marings worship God/Umpu or the deities, they make offerings (thuina-put makat), sacrifice animals (malamthut), ranging from a mere offering of water (yuykhying bunsunda) to an offering (sacrifice) of birds and animals including Mithun (Shirim). They also prepare ritual feasts.

The Marings also believed in the existence of the evil spirits or devils, called Shea-krao, Langa (lhim-krao), tathi-tahoi khi-krao, kmang-krao, etc. These are the malevolent spirits, which caused sickness or diseases and sufferings to human beings. These devils or the evil spirits are not worshipped, but they were propitiated/appeased with sacrifices of animals called luk-khang or luk-thut or puluk-thut so that they don't harm or trouble human beings.

The Marings believed that there is life after death" They believed that those who died the good dead will go up above, while the bad will go below to a place inside the earth i.e. khiya ram (the hell or the place of dead). But those who died in an extraordinary/unnatural manner will flit about between heaven and the earth (uncertain place).The reward of a virtuous life is immediate, since "after death the good are born again at once into this world."

The Marings performed ritual rites in every feast or festival and various occasions connected with the traditional and customary functions such as seed sowing, harvesting, house constructions and inaugurations, child births, cleansing ceremony after the child birth (tuytrum kngei), marriage and death or condolence and funerals, etc.

Marings worship God in different forms and places according to the situations and occasions. They worship the household deity as cheemthrai. The local deity is worshipped as rampu-tupu. The deity of high places/sacred places or groves is worshipped as Lukbam thrai; the village Altar deity is worshipped as Kho-lamun Pu; the fertility deity' is worshipped as Umhai.

The God of blessing is worshipped as Umkarsui-Umkarshang. Above all, the Marings worshipped the God of Universe (Shimlei-Thangwan Pu), the Creator of both living and non-living beings as Seempi-shapipu Dunpu. They also worshipped the spirit of the Patriotic Heroes of the village{s) in order to protect the village{s} or the villager{s) from their enemies an the evils and even to help them in the warfare or in the battle fields to confront their enemies during the times of head hunting.

FOOD

Rice is a staple food of the Maring people. The meal comprises of rice with varieties of vegetables. Meat and fish are also regular food items for the Maring people.

The Maring people are fond of spicy and hot food. Processed fermented soyabeans known as 'bethao bebung' is a part of almost every meal of Maring family. Marings are also fond of rice beer (Wai-tull) and puffing Pipe/Hukah (hilhaksu-hoktang tungka) in the past.

Villagers draw water from the streams or ponds (Yuysho/Yuiphum). Tape (water supply pipe lines) system was not a common practice in ancient times though it has become popular now.

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

Every Maring village has been autonomous. Most of the villages had been consisted of different clans.  Every village has been ruled by the village chief (Khulpu-Khullak) with the help of village council. Council members were collectively elected from different clans and sub-clans, who were supposed to be capable and able. The chief or the Khullak plays the role of the administrative head and leads the ministries of the political affairs, social justices, external (outside village/community) affairs, and the Khulpu plays the role of priestly head in the village. All the ritualistic functions and ceremonies are being performed by him (khulpu).

The Marings have been preserving their own unwritten constitution. Even though the constitutions were not in written forms, but nobody can/dares to go against these customary laws of the community.

CULTURE & RITUAL PRACTICES

Marings have rich culture. They have many cultural festivals and ritual ceremonies of different significance. Ritual ceremony for new village settlement (Yulkhyer da/Yulran phun/Cheemmun pha) is a very important ritual ceremony of the Maring people which is performed prior to establishment of village to sanctify the site. Erection of village altar (Kho-stung marlheng) is another important function involving ritual ceremony. Traditionally every Maring village has two village gates – one in the front, another at the back. It is a tradition that the villagers repair/reconstruct the village gates every year. The village gates are constructed with ritual ceremony invoking their God to protect the villagers from evil spirits, sicknesses, misfortunes, etc. Cleaning of village approach roads (Lam klai/Yuylam klai) is another festival celebrated by the Maring people with ritual ceremony. On that day, all the villagers clean approach roads including approach road to village drinking water pond.

Hunting is very famous with the Maring people. There is season for hunting. Hunting festival (Yaa- kyao) is ceremonially organized by the Maring people though not necessarily to be organized every year. House inauguration ceremony (Cheem chang) is compulsory with every newly constructed house for the Maring people. Ritual is performed to cleanse the house thereby the house is made ready to live in. Another very significant festival of the Maring people is Inloiya chun/Lhoowa chun. This is a festival of dance which is organized every five year. 

Seed sowing festival is celebrated every year by the Maring people. It is also accompanied by rituals invoking approval of God to start sowing seeds and also invoking blessing for good harvest. Villagers also celebrate harvesting festival ceremoniously after harvest is over. 

ECONOMY

Economically Marings were self-sufficient people. Agriculture plays an important role in the economy of the Marings. It was and continues to be their mainstay. It has been assisted by handicraft, trades, domestication, fishing, hunting, etc. Both jhoom/shifting and terrace cultivations have been practicing since forefathers’ time as their main occupation. Paddy/rice is planted mainly in the terrace and shifting fields, whereas vegetables and other cash crops were planted in jhum fields and gardens. Rearing domestic animals like cows/bulls, buffalos, Mithun/shirim, goats, pigs, dogs, fowls, etc serve both for agriculture and commercial purposes and even for meat. Productions of rice/paddy is mainly for consumption, whereas cash crops like coriander, pumpkin, cucumber, potato, ginger, varieties of beans, brinjal, mustard leaf, yam, tili-seeds, maize, mumcha (barley), Chuncha (Millet) etc serve both for food and commercial purpose.

Barter system was practiced by the Marings in the olden days as mode of trade/transaction. Therefore, ones richness was measured by the size of his livestock, food stock comprises of paddy/rice and cash crops.  

RKHANG-MARING SOCIAL INSTITUTION

“Rkhang" is a Social Institution of the Maring community where all the younger generations/youths of every village enroll and stayed part of it as long as he/she remains unmarried. This is a very important institution that every Maring village must set up because all round training of youths is given in Rkhang. This system was practiced even after the dawn of Christianity in Nineteen Sixties.

Traditionally, enrollment into Rkhang signifies the attainment of marriageable age for boys and girls. Therefore, dormitory membership was a pre-requisite for Maring girls and boys to marry.

Maring people maintained Rkhang as Dormitory for boys/bachelors and girls/maidens of the village. , from where they are imparted social/tribal norms, customary laws and arts/crafts of the tribe/village/community and prepare themselves to lead a better life.

Rkhang was the centre of social, religious and cultural life amongst the Marings. All sort of tasks are allotted to the youths (young boys and girls) by the elders of the village and the seniors or the authority of the dormitory who were especially designated/assigned to do the same tasks in the community Rkhang. It was in the Rkhang that young boys and the young girls learnt lessons on community living. The Rkhang gymnasium turns out for skillful sportsmen, wrestlers and warriors, and besides these, the lessons on leadership also being taught. And in the Rkhang, they become acquainted with the history of the tribe/community, the culture, folklores, songs, musical instruments and dances. During this period, they are given training and imparted education to lead family life as a husband and as a wife.

Thus the Rkhang acts both as a training school/institution in the art of life as well as a club for entertainment and fun. Indeed, no social functions in the village/community is arranged or managed without the helps of the Rkhang members who distribute/share various duties and responsibilities among themselves on the basis of their seniority in the Rkhang. The older members of the Rkhang shoulder a great responsibility than probationers/juniors or newly initiated members.

There were times when the Rkhang provide or arrange entertainments in the forms of dancing, singing (Rkhang knuy, Rkhang-Laa sha Shrengseng chun, etc.) or games & sports in the village feast or festivals, religious get-together or wedding ceremony, etc. Such entertainments and funs performed by the Rkhang members redeem the people of the village/surrounding villages from the monotony of their daily routine works.

Besides entertainments, the Rkhang youths also attend to different kinds of tasks, such as collecting the materials of the new house constructions (bamboo, thatches, woods/pillars) etc, collecting fire-woods for cooking and bonfire, fetching water, distribution of meat to every household, etc, whenever there is any village or religious ceremonies and functions. As the members of the Rkhang attended the sessions of learning and entertainments in the Rkhang, each of them brought a piece of dried wood each day in the evening for the fire regulation in the fire place of Rkhang which is called as 'meirup heeng' in the local term and sleep there. If one fails to bring meirup heeng, he/she bears the punishment/fine for it.

There were two separate houses of Rkhang, one meant for the Bachelors/boys and the other meant for the maidens/girls. The boys’ dormitory is known/called "Kartlang Rkhang" and the girls’ dormitory is called "Nangaka Rkhang”. Each Rkhang has its own leaders/authority who look after the affairs of each Rkhang. And each Rkhang maintains the strict disciplines separately but their norms or rules & regulations were almost the same. The leader/the head of the Rkhang institution was known/called "Khangshellak" or "Kartlang Upa," for the bachelors' dormitory, and the leader of the Nangaka Rkhang (girls' dormitory) was "Khangshellak" or " Nangaka Upa." And the Bachelor's Rkhang/Dormitory is totally out of bound for women (girls), because they believed that it renders a bad luck to the entire village if the girl/woman enters into the Rkhang without any purpose. They also believed that bad luck comes in diverse ways- that the hunters returned empty handed and disappointed, the defeat or causalities is suffered in case of war, etc. Hence, w omen's entry into the Rkhang was strictly prohibited.

Membership of an Rkhang was an elaborate affair. The actual initiation was preceded by a period of probation which enables young members to know what is expected of them as members of the Rkhang. At the initial stage of membership, the young boys/girls had to bear several ordeals and trials in order to qualify as a member. Sometimes, they had to bear a series of ragging from the senior members. They were made to gather fuel/fire woods, fetch water, cook food and run errands and at the same time, attend their personal comforts. After a period of three years one becomes a senior member and assumes other weightier responsibilities in connection with the administrations and running of the Rkhang.

The Rkhang, like any other institutions, has its own sets of rules and regulations even though they were not in written forms. Though no one from outside interferes in its administrations, the inmate understandably come within the purview of the village authority and are liable to punishment for breaking any traditional/customary laws and rituals. A Rkhang may very aptly be called a microcorm of the village and like the village, it has its own council who are the office bearers in the pattern of the village administrative. Discipline seems to be the keyword for the purpose of smooth running of the Rkhang (both boys & girls Rkhang).

Originally the Rkhang was constructed by the villagers but the maintenance was vested upon the responsibility of its members. If a Rkhang falls into a state of despair so as to necessitate dismantling, this is also to be carried out by the members of the Rkhang. Construction of a new Rkhang house means much feastings and ceremonies which the entire village would be involved. The cost of the feast and ceremony was mainly in the forms of rice, meat and rice beers (chak-an & tul) borne by the families residing in the village. Every Rkhang member brings the requisite amount of rice, rice-beers, meat and vegetables etc from his & her home and give it to the common Rkhang fund where the feast was arranged. While the Rkhang was maintained by the youths, it was financed by their parents.

Like the Kartlang Rkhang of the Maring community, there was Nangaka Rkhang for the young girls separately runs by the girls/women. The unmarried women/girls of the village before they get married, every girl had to enroll into the membership of the Rkhang and had to follow all the rules & regulations as long as she remained unmarried. They too must come to Rkhang and sleep there at night. They after day's works come together to the Rkhang where they learnt all kinds of handicrafts from the senior members who assisted them and also taught lessons on leading a community life. And the entry of the boys into the Nangaka Rkhang (girls dormitory) was strictly prohibited same as the girls were strictly prohibited to the Kartlang Rkhang. Thus, the Rkhang system of the Maring Nagas was a typical Naga institution from where all the necessaries help p re-requisite qualifications of the young people (boys & girls) were taught.

However, the importances of Rkhang system have gradually lost with the change of time. And Christianity brought a drastic change in its wake. The jealous Missionaries frown upon certain traditional practices which led many tribes to give up such practices. Maring is one of such tribes which have given up the maintenance of Rkhang about few decades ago. And during the stay in the Rkhang, it was easy to determine the maturity of a person, but with the end of Rkhang systems, it has been difficult to decide whether a boy or a girl is really matured or whether they have attained the marriageable age or not.

A different article about Rakhaang by frm the article"Nangak-Karlhang Shangthil Wa" By Social Welfare Youth Club,Marimchi is given below for the benefit of the readers.

R'khang is a typical institution of the Maring community which is similarly known as "Morung" in Naga term. R'khang was the centre of social, religious and cultural life where all the younger generations or the youths had to enroll their names as well as physical involvements as long as he/she remained unmarried. It was in this institution that all the young boys and girls were separately imparted all the social/tribal norms, customary laws, traditional practices, arts/crafts and all other necessary requirements of the village (tribal) community to prepare themselves for leading a better life. The Maring Tribe was once very much attuned to the dormitory system or R'khang like other Naga Tribes like Rongmeis but its relevance had been lost in the Maring society with the coming of Christianity in the early part of 1960s. And today this system or institution was no longer practiced anywhere in the Maring villages. This institution has been replaced by the formation of new organisations which are the inventions of modern civilisations like youth club organisations and women societies in the poresent villages. This was further subjected to an end with the change of time, faith, social, econimical, political and cultutral conditions that took place in the modern societies.



The R'khang system in the Maring context consisted of two houses or institutions. One house is meant for the boys or bachelors and the other is meant for only the girls or maidens. The boy's dormitory is called "Karlhang R'khang" and the girls' dormitory is called "Nangak R'khang" in local terms. Each R'khang has its own leaders whose authority is to look after the administration and affairs of the R'khangs. The leader of the Karkhang R'khang is called "Khangshellak" or Karkhanga Upa and that of the Nangak R'khang is called "Nangakka Upa" in local terms. Each R'khang has its own set of rules and regulations though not in written forms. Every member of the R'khang had to strictly follow the norms and had to maintain strict discipline in the R'khang. And any unauthorised entry of the boys into the girls' R'khang and vice versa is strictly prohibited because it was believed to bring bad luck.



There is some definite rules and criteria to be followed before any new member get into the R'khang and enrolment of every boy or girl of the village was made compulsory before they get into a married life. The actual initiation of membership or enrolment was preceded with by a period of probation in which the young boys and girls had to bear several ordeals and trials in order to qualify as an active member. The newly inducted members have to face and undergo new experiences and formalities of the R'khang. As the probationers, they had to bear ragging and ordeals from their senior members. Sometimes, they were made to gather firewoods, fetch water, cook food, run errands etc. and at the same time, attend their personal comforts. After a period of three years, and becomes a senior member and shoulders or assumes greater responsibilities in regard to the administration and overall affairs of the dormitory system, R'khang.



The R'khang like any other social institutions has its own set of rules and regulations mainly based upon the customary laws and cultural norms even though they were not in written forms. While staying in the R'khang, every member had to strictly follow the norms and formalities of the R'khang as long as they remain unmarried failing which they had to face disciplinary action and undergo punishment accordingly. Although the R'khang has its own council of office bearers, all the activities and functions come within purview of the Village Authority. Thus the inmates and the members are wholly responsible for smooth running of the R'khang and contribute to the promotion of the general welfare of the institution.



During the time of its prevalence in the Maring society, the R'khang had acted as a training centre in various sphere of life where the young boys and girls learnt new lessons on the art of community living and became acquainted with the history of tribal society, its culture, customs, folklores, folksongs, musical instruments, traditional dances, etc. The members or inmates had to fully attend to their respective duties and responsibilities of day to day as given by the leaders called Khangshellak on the seniority basis towards the promotion of development in various fileds like education, sports, cultural affinity, literature. The R'khang also acted as a club for entertainment and fun for all the youths and the general public in the village as well. There were times when entertainment programmes are arranged and organised periodically in the form of traditional dance like R'khang Nuy (dormitory dance), Shrengseng chun, folksongs like Khaanglaa sha (dormitory song) etc. Besides these, traditional games and sports were also conducted during the festivals/feasts and religious get togethers, wedding ceremonies were held in the village. Moreover, the youth members and inmates had to attend different kinds of tasks such as collecting the materials for construction of a new house like bamboos, thatch, wooden pillars, collecting firewood for cooking and bonfire, fetching water, distribution of meat to every household, etc. As part of daily roster, every member had to bring piece of dried wood called "meirup heeng" in local term for the purpose of regulation of the burning of fire in the R'khang houses both Karlhang R'khang and Nangak R'khang and had to sleep in their respective R'khang houses. This is compulsory for all the members and if any member fails to do so, he/she had to bear punishment and accrued a fine for it. After the days work, the young girl members had to come to their R'khang house and sleep there. In the R'khang, they had the opportunity to get together and learn all kinds of handicrafts from their senior members who assisted them in every way and also taught them lessons on leading a well mannered community life. Thus the attainment of marriageable age of the young boy and girl members were determined only through and after the enrolment in the R'khang. Therefore, the membership and enrolment in the R'khang was a pre-requisite qualification and pre-condition for the marriage of the marriage of the Maring boys and girls in the olden days.



Basically, the R'khang house had to be constructed by the people of the village but the proper maintenance and the smooth running of the R'khang was normally vested upon the members of the dormitory. On the occassion of a construction of new R'khang house, the whole population of the village involved with much feasts and ceremonies in a joyful and colourful manner. Every villager enjoyed the inaugural function with colourful traditional attires and performed various cultural programmes like dances, folksongs, etc. While the institution of R'khang was maintained by the members under their leaders, it was financed by the parents of the members of the R'khang. The expenses and requirements on the celebration of inaugural feasts and ceremonies were bornes by every household/family of the village mainly in the form of rice, rice beer, meat, vegetables etc. Every member of the R'khang brought a requisite amount of rice, ricebeer, meat , vegetables etc. from their home and contributed to the general fund of the R'khang.



The R'khang system has been practeced in the Maring societies since time immemorial and was invoke till the coming of the light of Christianity in 1950s. With the spreading of Gospel of Lord Jesus Christ by the Christian Missionaries and with the concersion of some youths of the Maring village into Christianity, the relevance of the R'khang system was gradually reduced to a point of extinction. Moreover, with the impartment of modern education in the village, the erstwhile youths had been shown the light of modern civilisation which instilled in their minds to work for progressive development in all fields. Thus they started working together as an organisation and formed the local youth club organisation in thne village. As a result, the system of R'khang was subjected to the gradual closure in the Maring villages and had been eventually replaced by the modern organisation the so called youth club organisations which was functioning as the subordinate bodies of the village authorities.



SOCIAL SYSTEM

The Maring people had been living with a well structured and organized social system. There is a strong force of mutual love, respect and adherence to the systems like Customary Laws and Religious Practices which contributes much to the social harmony.

The Maring Naga society is a patriarchal society. Father is regarded as head of the family and holds a high status in the society.

FAMILY: Family is composed of married couple and children with their grand parents. The eldest son after marriage remains with his Parents (father mother & grandparents) as an heir of the family, inheriting all the household properties of the father, whereas younger sons shift to new house after marriage. Thus, the eldest son take cares of old parents, unmarred younger siblings and grandparents.

INHERITANCE & SUCCESSION: The system of inheritance and succession in the Maring community is primogeniture where the eldest son succeeds his father in case of death and inherits properties of the family both movable and immovable. Girl children are not entitled for any immovable properties of their parents. However, on the generosity of her father, she may get some share at the time of her marriage. And if the family does not have a son (to be heir), the nearest male kin can inherit the properties of that family.

MARRIAGE: Cross-cousins marriage (puwacha klou) i.e. to marry maternal uncle’s daughter is the most preferred and most common among the Marings. Such marriage is known as "puwa mannei klou" and maintained as “Neenni hillam thung". But one cannot marry his paternal aunt’s daughter, which is considered as “Yu klou” or "Puwah hillam-kalleng”. Engaged or arranged marriage was a common practice while love marriage was also practiced though rare with full consent of the parents from both sides. The marriage process takes normally complete three years (Nu kngai).

Endogamy or marriage amongst the community/village was commonly preferred and practiced reason being easy availability of helping hands from relatives and near and dear ones.

Monogamy (marry one wife) system was commonly practiced however polygamy was not completely absent. Incest marriage (pinglam klou) is strictly prohibited and if happened in a rare case, a punishment was being imposed under customary laws and practices. The mode of punishment is called "Mungna" where a heavy fine or penalty was imposed and the couple excommunicated/expelled from the society/village/community.

Bride price (Numan) system was practiced by the Maring community. Metal gong (Daar) and Mithun (Shirim/shel) are acceptable and common items used as Bride price. And Divorce was strictly prohibited and if happened, fine or punishment is imposed against the concerned person accordingly.



Ancestral Maring House


PATTERN/SHAPE/DESIGN

In ancient days our forefathers usually construct a long and “I” shape houses which are known as “Turng chim/Turng Inn”. Wooden pillars/beam, mud/bamboo walls, wooden/bamboo doors, thatch roof, etc. were used in building houses. Roof slanting down from the middle towards both sides of the house till it almost touches the ground; windowless house with just front and back doors are the characteristics of the ancestral Maring House. Due to lack of window, normally the Maring houses are dark inside. In the front side, usually they maintain some spaces which are used as veranda where domestic activities like pounding paddy, weaving, etc. are done. The veranda may be three sides open or just the front side or may be half walled.


INTERNAL PLACEMENT OF THE HOUSE

Normally at another end of the house they maintain a kitchen with fireplace burning throughout day and night from big fire woods. Beds are laid adjacent to walls along the length of the house. In some houses beds are laid around the fireplace.


MATERIALS

In ancient days Maring people construct their houses with naturally found materials like wood (Heeng), bamboo (Khwa), cane/creepers (Rui/Ruiyam), thatch (Chee), hays (Chapool/Spool), mud (Lei/Bool/Leibool), etc.


NAMES OF ITEMS USED IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE HOUSE

The Maring house has Five main Pillars viz. Lil Shutlai (Main pillar/ritualistic pillar/Chatra), Tershutlai (adjacent pillar towards front side), Inncho Shutlai (Backside pillar), Mangkhal Shutlai (Front most Pillar) and Dangkhup Shutlai (Pillar in the veranda).

Other pillars of the house are Nakhang Yungchei (Next to the main pillar), Nakhang Lhoong, Khangyal Yungchei (Rear pillars for supporting the cross beams), Hyem Yungchei (The smallest/short pillars for the lowest parts of the house), Lingdou Yungchei (Smallest outer pillar), Lhoong (Main roof guard log of the house).

Inshun Khwa (Side rib bar bamboo), Bungkhumrul Khwa (Main support railing bamboo), Lungwi kaina khwa (Middle railing bamboo), Yapyul khwa (Balcony bamboo), Raap (Weaved bamboo strips/slivers), Thimroh (Bamboo slivers/slices for tying), Lhepeek (pegs of the bamboo walls), Halchee (supporters of the balcony bamboo along the main pillar of the house), Chingkin (Hooks on the walls), etc. are some of the main items used in constructing house



MARING CUSTOMARY LAWS VIS-À-VIS SOCIAL STRUCTURE

FAMILY

A maring family consists of husband, wife and their unmarried children. Maring is a patrilineal society; continuity of generation is genealogically linked up through male. The husband is the head of the family. It is customary law of the maring people to relinquish the house in favor of the eldest son as soon as he marries. The parents and the unmarried children if any will be helped by their clan members and the villagers as a whole to build a new house. The revered articles such as ritual stones and associated properties remain in the original home. The parents may however choose to stay with any of the sons if they wish. But the eldest son (Pipa) owns the responsibility to look after their parents as long as they live. The rule of primogeniture provides the right to property to the eldest son only. As head and custodian of the household affairs, it is the duty of the father to look after and maintain the household affairs. He has the authority to give consent in marriages of his sons or daughters. He represents his family in the clan meetings and village meetings or community works. He also represents his family in the court. The maintenance of the family is being shared by the married sons with the active cooperation and help from their unmarried sons and daughters.

The orphans, posthumous children and widows are treated as members of the family entitling them to enjoy share over the properties of the village(s) or community.

A widow with a son is treated as family but in the absence of son, may be exempted from paying certain taxes and physical activities of the village. A formal declaration has to be made to the villagers as a family waxes due to the death of male descendants. The declaration is made by the nearest relative of the vanishing family either on the event of the death of the last male descent or on the marriage of the last daughter (on the very next day of the event). This declaration is called “RUIKUK” in local term. The declaration is basically making known to the villagers that their family has vanished and so henceforth neither village taxes will be levied nor will participate in any other village activities in the name of the family. On doing RUIKUK the nearest relative offers a pig and rice beer to the villagers. Children are under the control of the parents till they get married.


MARRIAGE

The practice both monogamy and polygamy (Nu manthrin in local term) were prevalent in the Maring society. Besides, among the Marings, differentiation of status was intimately connected with polygamy. The first wife enjoys the highest position. She is considered superior to other wives (second wife or concubines). No formal ceremony is performed in the case of later marriages. The junior wives or non-major wives are not entitled to any separate house. In the case of levirate, the deceased brother’s wife will enjoy the right of a formally married wife; none of the junior wives do not have claim. In such a situation rights of inheritance is recognized on the basis of seniority.


BETROTHAL

Marriage negotiation is an elaborate customary practice. Formalization of marriage takes three years. During the period of these three years, pre-marriage ceremony (Nu kngai) has to be performed three times. On the last occasion bride price is given symbolizing the final performance of marriage. On that day feast is being arranged at the house of the bride by the groom’s party. The bride price (Manlam) is valued in terms of Gong (Mandar), Mithun (Shrim in local term) of not less than three years old, a sum of rupees thirty or along with rupees six as a price for feeding mothers breast. The Gong should measure seven kaaps (length of thump tip to index finger tip). The Gong may be replaced by cash in case of unavailability. In recent year a Mithun along with rupees six is the amount generally accepted as the bride price. In case of marriage by elopement the Nu- kngai process is not performed.

If the girl after Nu-knagi runs away with another boy violating the agreement, a heavy fine consisting of three Mithuns of not less than three years old along with three pigs, three chickens, three jars of rice beers and Gong of six kaaps would be imposed on the new couple. If the new husband belongs to the same clan, the fine is reduced to one third. In tradition the boy will re required to pay a fine of 2 Gongs (Mandar); one of seven kaaps and the other of six kaaps to the earlier husband so as to prevent him from demolishing his house.


CONDITION OF MARRIAGE

A marriage to be valid according to the custom must necessarily confirm to certain conditions. The conditions are:
Age of marriage: the Nagas have unique institution commonly known as “Morung”. It is the bachelors and maidens dormitory. The Maring Naga too had this institution called Rkhang. Any boy or a girl before entering into marriage life is required to be a member of this dormitory. Membership of the dormitory is a pre-requisite qualification as young boys and girls get training in every field to lead an independent life.
Prohibition: the Maring strictly follows clan exogamy in case of marriage between two parties and prohibit clan endogamy. If and when marriage takes place in violation of the custom of clan exogamy, the marriage is regarded as void. Such a union is called “Pinglam” i.e. incest. A violation was banned from participating in ritual practices called Kholamal. Besides, the violators have to fine (Munga) in terms of pig and rice beer to the villagers. Depending from village to village some would kill goat and a chicken. The chicken is split into two equal parts and is buried. The village priest called “Theem” performs the whole rituals. If a girl while she is still in the Rkhang becomes pregnant (Selam ur) she is fined a pig and a pot of rice beer by the villagers. Such incident or event is called “Rkhang toubor” and the fine imposed is called “Chui” or “Leichui”.


MATRILINEAL CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE

Mother’s brother’s daughter’s marriage is a preferred one and is known as Puwacha Mannei. Mother’s sister’s daughter’s marriage is not allowed. But if there are such unions, there is no strict custom to regulate it. Such union is called Thlam Charcha. The village exogamy formally not to speak of tribal exogamy was a strict rule. But they no longer observe this. Since clan exogamy is strict rule of custom no two persons related by blood on the father’s side can marry. This is a prohibition based on the ground of consanguinity (i.e. relationship by blood or by birth). The Maring society is not very strict in applying prohibition on the ground of affinity. A maring may marry his brother’s widow or his deceased wife’s sister. A maring marrying elder brother’s widow is more common than marrying younger brother’s widow. A maring can neither marry his wife’s mother or grandmother nor can a maring woman marry her daughter’s husband.

Marriage between the fosterage (brings up another’s child) group is possible among the maring if the adopted son/daughter is from different clan and stand in a marriageable relationship.


CONSENT

The marriage alliance between two individuals of the opposite sex is also an alliance between the exogamous clans and two family units. Hence the parental approval is a must. Marriage is also needed for successful meeting of the needs of agriculture based economy. Therefore, before giving consent to marriage, the parents judge the would-be couple as to whether they will be able to cope with ever challenging situations in life.

In Maring society we found different practices through a boy and a girl unites as husband and wife. They are:
Marriage by payment: marriage by payment is the general practice among the maring. The bride price consists of Gong of seven kaaps and either a Mithun. The animal to be given should be at least of three years old. In addition Rs 6/- (Six) is given to the bridegroom’s family.
Secondary marriage: secondary marriages are neither enjoined nor compulsory. The marriage practice both senior and junior levirate i.e. if the elder brother dies either with or without an issue his younger brother may take the widow of the deceased. It is also permitted for the elder brother to take the widow of the younger brother though rare. #Note: Surrogate is also practiced by the Maring Nagas.
Elopement: it is practiced from the past and it is still in vogue.
Concubine: the practice of keeping concubine or more than one wife (Nukhu-niyal dun) is an accepted norm amongst the Maring Naga. No formal ceremony is performed in the case of the second or succeeding marriages.




REGISTRATION OF MARRIAGE
Registration of marriage (Ruichal) in the clan is a must among the Maring. Besides, with the spread of Christianity when the people prefer church marriage in accordance with the provision of Indian Christian Marriage Act, the registration of marriage has become necessary along with the customary procedure.




GUARDIANSHIP IN MARRIAGE

The Maring Naga being patria-centered, the father is the head of the family and is the guardian and protector of the family. Since the father is the head and main custodian of the family, he acts as the guardian in marriage. In the absence of the father, the eldest brother acts as the guardian of the family and so he becomes the guardian in marriage too.




RESTITUTION OF CONJUGAL RIGHTS

A marriage performed in accordance with the prescribed customary procedure and full formality gives the status of husband and wife to the parties and with certain mutual rights and duties to each other. One obligation of such party is to leave in each others society. If and when any of the parties to the marriage withdraws from the society of the other without any reasonable cause the affected party may approached the clan head and to the village court who will enquire and look into the grievances of the aggrieved party. On such cases if it is found that the withdrawal by a party is without any reasonable cause, a direction is given to the party for restitution of conjugal right.




DIVORCE

Local term for the divorce is “Nu khaina” or “Sal khaina”. The practice of divorce among maring although very uncommon is prevalent custom. When any of the parties to the marriage violates the sanctity and matrimonial rules, then the other party may be asked for a divorce. If it is found that the ground on which the divorce is sought for is reasonable and well founded, an order for the solution of the marriage tie is generally given. The grounds on which the divorce can be sought are adultery, desertion and by mutual consent.




RE-MARRIAGE

There is no bar either for widow or widower or divorcee to remarry for a second time after the dissolution of the earlier marriage. A widow or widower or a divorcee may remarry immediately after the divorce is granted or soon after the death of the spouse if he or she wishes to. But for widow or a widower it is preferred if he or she marries after a lapse of a year after the death of the spouse.

A widow on remarriage has to abandon all her claims to her deceased husband’s properties because the said properties cannot be passed on to any other clan. Accordingly a widow is permitted to marry the brother of the deceased because in that case the properties would remain in the same family and she can retain all her deceased husband’s properties.




CUSTODY OF CHILDREN

All weaned children belong to the husband or his clan and can be claimed by him as his heirs in case of divorce. The woman may keep un-weaned children for care and nursing but the children are to be returned to the father after a lapse of one or two or more.




PERIOD OF MINORITY

The period of minority among the maring depends on the minor’s physical structure and his or her capacity to participate in the community’s works as a full able bodied person. Until a boy or a girl attains this stage he or she is considered minor.




GUARDIANSHIP AMONG THE MARING NAGAS

There are two types of guardians under the Maring Customary laws: they are
Natural Guardian: father is the natural guardian of a minor child and he is held responsible if his minor child commits any misdeed in the society. On the death of the father the mother is the natural guardian if she remains unmarried. Usually on the death of the father, the eldest son becomes the guardian of his minor brothers and sisters until they attain adulthood. He also maintains his father’s family and properties.
Nearest relative guardian or secondary guardian: on the death of natural guardian of minor children it is the duty of every member and their nearest relatives to look after the minor children and their properties. In this connection if necessary their clan members and relatives may appoint guardian to shoulder the burden of looking after the children when they have no nearest of kin to take charge of the minors.

The widow, who has minor kids remarried, may take her minor children to her second husband’s house for their upbringing with due approval from the deceased husband’s relatives. But she and her second husband cannot claim the children to be theirs.




POWER OF ALIENATION BY GUARDIAN

It is a natural duty of a guardian to manage and to look after not only the minor person but also his properties. The properties of the parentless minor child is managed and maintained by the nearest relative till attainment of maturity of the child. A widow who is the guardian of the minor children can sell the properties left behind by her husband if necessary for the welfare and benefit of her minor children. The guardian appointed can also sell the deceased’s properties for the sake of their maintenance with permission from the clan members and other close relatives. The nearest relative can also sell the deceased’s properties to repay his debts if any. A guardian can never have personal claim over the minor’s properties or any part thereof.




CONTROL OVER POWER OF GUARDIAN

Parents being the natural guardians of the minor has unlimited and unfettered power over the minor child. But even when the eldest brother or the nearest kin becomes the guardian they cannot alienate the property belonging to the minor without the expressed consent and permission from the clan members and close relatives.




REMOVAL OF SECONDARY GUARDIAN

A guardian appointed by the clan members and close relatives can be removed by them if he fails to discharge his duties or if he tries to put personal claim over the minors properties. If he ill treats or neglects to take proper care of the minor or if he abuses the trust reposed on him or if there is misconduct on the part of the guardian appointed, then he can be removed by the clan members and close relatives who had appointed him as the guardian of the minor.




ADOPTION

Adoption is not practiced in true sense among the Marings because even if a child is adopted by someone the adopted child’s (Kyuk Cha in local dialect) relation/tie with the original parents is never severed. However, the provision for adoption is made for anyone willing to adopt a son or a daughter. The question of adoption comes in when a couple has no issue who could look after them in their old age. Usually adoption is within own clan; however there is no restriction if someone adopts child that belongs to other clan. But if the child is from different clan, he cannot claim right of inheritance of his foster parents. If the adopted child does not prove worthy of adoption he/she could be cast out from the family. A childless couple becomes the responsibility of their nearest kin in the clan or sub-clan who considers as their duty. They are also entitled to inherit whatever the material properties the old couple might have acquired during their lifetime. Therefore, there is a custom of automatic devolution of responsibility by which the nearest relative of the couple has to look after them. However, if the couple adopts a son, it becomes a bounding duty of the adopted son to look after his foster parents in their old age.

Whenever adoption takes place in a family, the adopted son or daughter need not follow the customary rule of the adopting clan as he/she does not become member of the clan which his/her foster parents belong. Hence, the adopted son/daughter can marry anyone who belongs to the foster parent’s clan if they stand in the marriageable relationship. But if the adopted son/daughter is from the same clan of the foster parents he/she cannot do that but he/she can marry girl/boy from other clans.




MAINTENANCE IN MARING SOCIETY

The clan is a basic unit in the Maring social structure. This unit is automatically taken to be an extended family to which all the members of the clan belong. The spirit of co-operation among the clan members as well as among the members of the kin groups is very strong. In case of any difficulty faced by a particular member or members due to natural calamity or otherwise the clan members and relatives come forward voluntarily to give relief and support. The mutual rights and duties of the kin group and clan members are the mainstay of the Maring society.




LIABILITY OF MAINTENANCE

A Maring man is under a personal obligation to maintain his wife, minor sons and unmarried daughters and at the same time aged parents when they come to stay with them. The father is solely responsible for maintaining his family so long as he is active. After his death or during his old age, the burden of maintaining the family automatically passes on to the eldest son if he has attained the age of maturity. If the father dies leaving minor children or widowed wife, his brother or any other nearest relative is responsible to maintain them. If the widow deserts her children by remarrying other person, it is bounden duty of the deceased man’s father or elder brother to maintain the children. Besides maintenance, he is to provide them with all sorts of marriage price on the occasion of girl child’s marriage. Lunatic or any other physically challenged children are maintained by their parents or whoever is the head of the family.

The husband has the bounden duty to maintain his wife until and unless he divorces her. After the death of the husband, the widow is maintained by her relatives and she becomes the responsibility of the clan as a whole. It is the moral obligation of the father in-law or husband’s brothers or any other close relatives to maintain the widow provided she remains unmarried in her deceased husband’s house. The maintenance of the widow is done out of her deceased husband’s properties and helped by the deceased husband’s close relatives.

Maintenance of an illegitimate child is always a responsibility of the putative father. A child born out of illegal relation is called “Selam Cha”. Legitimacy of an issue born out of illegitimate sexual relation is ensured by compelling the couple to get married with public approval if the parents stand in marriageable relation and outside the prohibited degree of relationship.




THRU-LHUK
Thru-lhuk is the restoration of family member (female) from her married family after the death of her husband. Such situation arises though rare when a daughter/sister of a man or a family is married to a certain man in another family or clan, and the husband dies (sooner or later) before having any issue (whatever may the reason be) leaving her behind with the family where there is no other brothers/relatives to marry her or look after her.




NUTRUN

Nutrun is a peculiar term used by the Maring Nagas in their customary laws in the marriages laws and norms from the times of their forefathers even at present days existing in the society/community where necessary. When a young man got married with a girl from a particular family where there is no male child. After all the processes for Nutrun marriage settled, the man has to stay at the house of his wife for at least three years working to help his father in-law’s family for the sake of his Nutrun duties shouldering the sole responsibilities of the family, the village and the community. At the same time the boy is to cleave unto his wife during this period and can have children born to themselves. Both the husband and the wife can also work/earn and save for themselves for their future life after the Nutrun period is over. But so long as they stay, they cannot be counted as a separate family from his father in-laws family in the society/village duties. But as soon as the couple is released from their in-laws family with whatever earnings/savings they have, will be counted as separate family endowing them with all the responsibilities a family has to the society/village.




MARING CUSTOMARY LAWS VIS-À-VIS LAND HOLDING

In the maring society, land is considered the most valuable and important resources which requires to be put to the best productive use for the welfare of the people. The land is treated as free gift of God. The land of Maring is divided into two viz. plain areas and hill areas. The land revenue and land reform act of Manipur 1960 is enforced in the paddy filed of the plain areas only whereas the act does not cover the hill areas.

The land used among the maring society can be divided in to different type and the system of holding varies from village to village. The land can be divided into four different classes:
The land set for the purpose of residence of the villagers is known as settlement areas or Yultlai-Meilamril. Each individual has household site with kitchen garden in which they grow vegetables for domestic uses. But the ownership of the land remains with the village committee. It should be borne in mind that the household site where the individual resides can be used as long as the family exist but in case the family changed their residence any family from the village can occupy the land for residential purpose.
Second type of land use is known as Jhumland or Pamlou (Shotrun lou) in local term or Kanglou. There are many plots fro Jhum or shifting cultivation. The village community as a whole owns these lands. The selected site for shifting cultivation is done by the Village authority (Yul-urpurap) in consultation with Khulpu and khullak of the village. Mention may be made here that the individual family occupies and uses the land as long as they resides in the village but the family cannot claim ownership of the land used. The lands are used for five to seven years continuously depending on the fertility of the land. The Jhum cycle is eight to ten years. The land disputes are always settled by the village authority. The villagers grow potatoes, maize, brinjal, and all types of food grains in these lands.
The third category of land is terrace land. Since majority of Marings are dependant on agriculture for their livelihood, these lands are considered most important and valuable. These terrace lands owned by the individual family are heritable and transferable.
The fourth category of land is reserved forest (Meilamril Hingyao) which is beyond agricultural land. The village authority controls these lands. These lands are especially kept for growing and preserving valuable trees for construction and commercial purpose.




OWNERSHIP OF LAND

The ownership of the land among Maring is community ownership except the terrace lands and the wet paddy fields can be owned by the individuals. Even though the lands are community owned, individual family can have permanent farming and can use the land as long as they live in the village whereas in some part of the Maring society the system is not found.



TRANSFER OF LAND

Transfer of land through sale or legacy is prevalent only in the case of terrace lands and wet paddy fields owned by individual families which are under the purview of the acts. But the rest of the land cannot be transferred and/or cannot be inherited.



MODE OF INHERITANCE

In the Maring society the mode of inheritance is always in the male line. According to the Maring tradition the eldest son of the family inherits all the properties from the parents and it is his responsibility to give shares to his younger brothers. Daughters do not inherit land properties but they are given properties like ornaments clothes etc. at the time of their marriage.




DEBTS

The practice of debt is prevalent in the Maring society. It is the tradition of the Maring that responsibility of the family is taken over by the eldest son after the death of the father. So also if their father died leaving debt unpaid the responsibility of payment goes to the eldest son. He is helped by his younger brothers. In case of sons who fails to repay the debt the clan and nearest relatives help in repaying the debts.


SALES

In a maring Naga society since most of the village lands are owned by the village community the sale of land is not prevalent among them. But properties other than land can be sold. In case of mithun sold to a person outside the village the seller gives Rs 50/- or more as thanks giving (Halkul tuy) to the village authority. Father being the head of the family is competent person for sales. He can sell the family property in consultation with his eldest son. Payment can be made either in cash or in kind depending on the understanding of both the parties.

In case of widow who after the death of her husband refrained from remarriage, she can sell her deceased husband’s properties in consultation with clan members of the deceased husband.

In a society the basic principles of social life are based on mutual help, trust, reciprocity and integrity. The custom of mortgage seems to be rare in the days of yore among the Maring society. But it has gained its momentum with a march of modern socio-cultural progress.

It is the tradition that everything except Gong can be given for mortgage. Agreement is made in front of witnesses from both the parties so as to avoid disputes in future.

The mortgage property can be sold by the mortgagee if failed to pay within the stipulated time. The mortgaged property can be leased out to other persons.




LEASE

Since the lands of maring are divided into two the system of holding is also different. In the hill areas, the system of lease is not prevalent whereas in the plain areas it is prevalent especially in the terrace or wet paddy field. The rent is usually half the produce or it depends on mutual consent of the lessee and the leaser. The duration of leased land depends on the agreement made between the parties. The usual duration of lease is three years.




LOAN

Loan in Maring society is taken to meet the immediate demands of the individual family. In the traditional society loans were taken in kind especially crops and with interest. In the present day society loan in term of money is more prevalent. Agreement of loan depends on the amount of loan. If the amount is small witnesses are sought from both the parties. If the amount is big the agreement is made in front of the village authority. Failing to repay loan leads to the village court for final decision.

The above content are copyrighted materials of www.maringnaga.com. Reproduced here in the interest of the Maring People.

 

THE FAMOUS WAR CRY OF THE WARRIORS OF THE MARING TRIBE

    Tik nahade,nahade , Maring Meiringbade      Nongpok-Thongakpade

          Pheiganna Chungmuk Thaabade          Pambomna ting ting Laobade


             Chellaga nungsitgumbade                   Phamlaga nungumbade


                             Nahong pheena kabaak Thaangne!

Maring national Anthem

     Wanshangramrei youbini

                    Kulwi Songsong hungtrungme

     Mongrengphai, Washaphai,

                   Makkoubung, Pulbung,

     Kanglabung, Tengkonbung,

                   Langkoubung, Mangthelbung,

     Rungchan palna ramme

                    Lhouyang reidang palname,

      Bung samthum doura


                   Dam samthum rilla


      Maringngayei trungna ramme


                     Warduinanung urbanglakkase


        Maringnga trungna ra  

                   Umni phor piyasu!

 

Some articles about Maring Tribe are given below.

KHUNGKAAP(Panung)

THE BIGEST OF MARING FESTIVAL, CELEBERATING AFTER EVERY FIVE YEAR.

Written by Khulpu Modar Maring

ORIGIN: In the line of mythological concept, Marings are believed to have emerged from the dome type of vast cave. They used to be on regular or routine hunting since the time of underground life in the cave. It is obviously perceived to the knowledge of the general people that Marings are socially cultured community from the days in the cave. They led socially nurtured life even while living in the cave.Eventually they came out from the cave. There they come across one unnatural beast. Many people were eaten and post great danger to their survival. So the village council (leipak upa) decided to kill the said demon like giant beast. With concerted effort they could finally killed the beast which they called SOVI -YA.

PURPOSE: as the SOVI- YA was killed with fierce encountering the killing event placed a significant mark in the line Maring history. Signifying the success the Marings celebrated the function with resplendently. Today every Maring villages are celebrating the festival called KHUNGKAAP.

TIME OF CELEBERATION: the Khungkaap festival is celebrated every five year in the month of May.

ACTIVITIES: the celebration marks the gloriousness of the people for killing of the giant beast SOVI -YA. One symbolic model effigy of the SOVI-YA is made out of special plunk by decorating in the form of a peculiar beast. The name of the tree used for the model is KANTRO in Maring dialect. The decorating is done by SOUPULRUI (a post in the village council of Maring holding by charang clan).

People believed that shooting at the tongue and eye will mark ones bad luck or crime during the five year s to come. Also shooting at the stomach and throat will mark him of cultivating plenty of paddies during the coming five years.

The symbolic effigy of the beast is hung on the top of the tree grown in the centre and western side of the village. The opening ceremony is as follows:

All the men of the village are lined up with a bow (fuila) and arrow (lachei) in front of the effigy. The laarungs (traditional Maring choir master) will sing the traditional folklore. Right after that to open the arrow the KHULPU of the village will first shoot at the effigy followed by the KHULLAK and KEISHANG. After that all the men will shoot at the spotted effigy of the beast. The shooting is performed with profound musical applause of drum beating as a mark of success and joyful celebration with dance.

The second session of the festival is an act of calling the souls of departed forefathers. This is done to remember the departed souls of forefathers and who are no more on earth.

At this moment all the youths, elders and old men and women used to dance from door to door throughout the day and night. Every house owner will offer lots of specially prepared food items. Under the laarungs they will sing many folk songs. During this mainly they will sing PHUNGLAA (hymn of clan) which describes the clan from the ancestors. Besides all these activities there is grant feast.

The third and closing ceremony is done with the act of sending of souls of departed forefathers as farewell. All will go to the PALTHUNG (village gate) to drop the departed souls. There they will say go the spirit of ancestors, we are staying back, bye- bye. This is followed by cultural dance in the night and thus the resplendent celebration wind up.

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Linguistics Issue

This article was written by Mr Pipa Morung Dangshawa.Maring Progressive Forum is reproducing this article under an exclusive agreement between them and the author.We thank Mr Pipa Morung Dangshawa for his generosity.

Linguistic issues in Maring tribe

There has always been a need for communication between people, hence the human race developed the capacity for Language. In today's Maring society this need has become very prominent indeed. Concepts like speaking and writing in our own dialect, formation of different communities/Tribes due to language difference are increasingly important.
Now more than ever, it would seem desirable to have and promote a common language as an official Maring language.

Much efforts and gestures are constantly given to participants of a function so that they are not felt left out else the problem of effective communication arises, so it would seem practicle to adopt one language as officially used in the Maring context.
However selecting an existing Maring language to act as the official Lingua franca might pose problems, conflict invoked by the possible connotations of Linguistic Imperialism could be the consequence - the smaller speech communities of the Tribe might in particular feel disregarded or even feel fear for the future of their native tongue. Larger speech communities of the Tribe may on the other hand feel that their respective language is the one most obviously suited for the task, thus hesitating to yield to another. The language problem has always been a notably sensitive one as they say Language contains traditional values.

LINGUISTIC SITUATION IN MARING

There is no universal language in Naga Tribes, and the language spoken by the Naga Tribes had different vocabulary, but all adhere to the same grammatical rules. And it is quite inevitable that the language and dialect varies from village to village and area to areas. This is very true to the languages tune, accent, and tonalities among the Maring's but these variations can be a wealth to enrich the literature and further development of vocabulary. As such Maring language can be divided broadly into 5 categories which are - kholeya, tamloiya, marimchi, uipowa and saibola.

Unless an official language is created it would be in the interest of the whole public that the official organizations letters and informations be issued in all the languages.

LINGUA FRANCA
A particular language when use for official purpose and having the charecteristics as a linking language among the common mass namely villages and areas can be called a lingua franca. The tangkhuls have largely solved the problem of Language. Standardization by accepting Ukhrul dialect as the standard language. Thus they use Ukhrul language for Radio broadcast and for all important discussions and talks in conferences and meetings. Similarly the Angami use chiefly the Khohima pronunciation and the Ao's Chungli dialect.
There is a general opinion in Marings that the Lamlong(Dudu) village dialect sounds more appealing.
The language of the Maring Bible and the maring hym book of both the Baptist and the Catholics can also be considered, the Language of Maring floklore songs where we find more common words among all the five classifications can also be considered. The 'Parshung's Maring Grammer and Composition' can also be studied.

SOCIETY AND LANGUAGE
A tribe cannot be created untill a group of people has common values, and values requires a language to embed them and articulate them. It is language that brings people togather and keeps them togather. Language incorporates social values, social changes produce change in language so once society starts changing then language chance. In a period of fast social change, chaos occurs as social norms are questioned, altered and perharps even rejected. New norms are slowly generated, as the time of change produce a special phenomenon - the pursuit of truth. In a static society the pursuit of truth can never arise becouse in a static society, social values and language are one; their is no means of attempting a re-valuation of existing values. Tradition is the only mode of knowledge. Here the search of truth is always the result of comparing the old with the new.

Knowing the native language presents one with a strong self identity and a sense of wellness. today everyone considers english an the ultimate language, this makes possible a destructive cultural phenomenon, when a foreign language is imposed on a group that group is eventually destroyed. Some of the reasons for not knowing the language of natiove could be schools that children attain, television and radio, it is considered old fashion, out of date or not cool.
To find solutions of our society language plays an important role, the winds of change has whistled in every aspects of Maring life. Everything, everywhere and everyone is on the move. Such movements leads to change - to a change that is ever changing. And where their is no change, only change never change.
The very root of our culture, language and tradition sums up the core identity of Marings.
Let us join hands and reafirm our commitment to the development of Maringa Thou and move forward with time.
LET US BEGIN?

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Maring Women and Maring Polity

Maring Women and Maring Polity


 By Dr Benjamin Gangmei

Source: www.e-pao.net


The Maring tribe which is concentrated in south-eastern part of Manipur is a Naga tribe. Their population is about 11,910 in 1981. With regard to their political organisation prior to 1735 (the time hill areas administration became revolutionised) seems to have had no well-knit system as were found among other tribes of Manipur.

In other words, it is not clear whether they did have household council like Paite Inndongta or village council system before the time of Manipuri King Garibniwaz who introduced hill administrative system for the first time. No doubt Maring village was administered by a legitimate authority.

After the introduction of the administrative system, a Maring village was headed by a headman or Khullakpa. But it is said Khunbu was the real head. The charisma is said to have considered for the appointment of head of the village. So, Khunbu who had "superior ritual power was the leader of the village." But it seems that in case of non-possession of that qualifications, no Khunbu could not propel himself to the position of headship.

The village body or council was composed of a head or Khunbu, a "Sakoullu" head of village protection and we have little knowledge about other offices of the Body. So, it appears that "a full-fledged council headed by the Khullakpa was a later development" among Maring tribe.

What can be said about their polity is it was "based on the principle of seniority, a social structural principle which determines obligations, rights and status of individuals." And it seems that each clan living at the village necessarily has political role or functions.

Like other tribes of Manipur, Maring society is also patriachal in structure and functioning. Man-woman relationship is determined by the structure in which the position of women in the society is obvious. And since Maring "family is patrilineal and patrilocal" Maring women are accorded a lower status."

The status not only does affect their role in socio-economic activities but also their participation in political process. To be precise, they do not have role in Maring political activities. It is said while Maring women can "assert themselves in family affairs" they are not entitled to participate in village administration and their political de-empowerment was there in past traditional society and similar treatment is followed in modern society as well. So, the women are compelled to confine to domestic affairs of the family with limited scope of religious participation in Maring society.

On the other hand, Maring traditional institutions and leadership are said to have started declining and new forms of social organisations emerging. The latter are agencies of change in the society. Of them the most important ones are the Maring Naga Racial Association (an Association of older persons formed to promote Maring ethnic life), Maring Naga Baptist Association (a protestant organisation), Maring Naga Students' Union, etc. These agencies are instrumental to create socio-religious and political awareness among the Marings.

If the functionaries are responsive enough to the call of the days particularly for gender justice on both secular and religious plane, women empowerment matter may find no much irritants in empowerment initiative or process in Maring society in near future.

For the mode of organisation and process of functioning of those agencies are opposed to the mode of functioning of Maring traditional institutions. The "speciality of the Maring society" is "oligarchic control". Rejecting this form of functioning how the younger people are "indulging in is less conventional while functioning within strictly defined limits."

Moreover, it is said that the "traditional village council has almost been reduced to the status of a virtual non-entity" and politically "relevant rules among the Maring cut across the limits of the tribe." Such changes that came to stay in their society are obvious for capable of bringing about change to man-woman relationship. For the present Maring society does not accept oligarchic way for social relationship and that is a direct challenge to Maring patriachal society.

Here the attitude to women political empowerment is responsible for effective empowerment process. The logic is that if both men and women are not in favour of oligarchic nature of functioning, menfolk is also bound to change their attitude to the initiative of women political empowerment in Maring society.

And the Maring women are also equally responsible for initiating and furthering their empowerment. In this regard the women are not actively on the move towards empowerment activity for certain reasons or factors. Illiteracy, lack of awareness, self-effacing attitude of women, etc. remain as main obstacles to the empowerment initiative.

In other words, Maring society is no exception to typical problems found in other tribal contexts. 

Genesis Of Maring Clans (New)

ROOTS OF CLAN

Mayepi: Dangshawa Moningshun



1.Rangmei/Rangmeithil /Rangshon
Charan
Shellei
Khaling/Thouman/Lamthak/Khulpu/Rupraak/Tanim/Tangwa/Lapaak/Mochapa

2.Khalsi/Khalsirung
Dangsha
Darlei
Nangsha/Dumde/Kantrim/Khullak/Medarshang/Merang/Shanta/Ramshum/Langkoi/Korou/Shangkai/Mokantrim/Krungkrang/Mungkhunga/Liksaiya/Shampa/Pipa/Shallung/

3.Kungkrung/Makutolnu/Makungyor
Makung
yorshung
Hongsha/Maku /Wairok/Koning/Innpi/Yarang, Uilu, Chapukta, Modar,Palok, Huirui

4.Tangkikrung/Tangmanshou/Tangmanthral
Tontang
Paarshung
Saka/Thaupong/Ronglo/Marem/Khalle/Narhang/Mechiri/Angkuk/Shanglem/Moting/Chungkhal/Keishang/Molhung/Chingshanglak/Angkhul/Thangsa/Kansam/Karbi /Yongchaktha/Kohai/Kampangta/Phalbi/Huina/Patthei/Kharekpa/Mepung


PU-THUIYANUNG

1. Charang (Shellei) ni thim hoiyanung Dangsha (Darlei) ni putrui hoirou. Dangsha (Darlei) ni thim hoiyanung Charang (Shellei) ni putrui hoirou.
Makung (Yorshung) ni thim hoiyanung Tontang (Paarshung) ni putrui hoirou. Tontang ( Paarshung) ni thim hoiyanung Makung (Yorshung) ni putrui hoirou.


SHERIM (Shel) KHANAA AATDANUNG

1. Charang (Shellei) ngei sherim (shel) khanaa aatdanung bungrei youbini khanaa baltlhangra theipoknaa nakshi aatrou. Dangsha (Darlei) yei sherim khanaa aatdanung khanaa bungra tram aatatrou. 3. Makung ( Yorshung) ngei sherim khanaa aatdanung khanaa bungrei youbini baltlhangra yuk aat tlhakrou. 4. Tontang ( Paarshung) ngei sherim khanaa aatdanung khanaa bung dakrei youbi baltlhangra kat aat tlhak rou.


LOUKHO TLHAAINEI THUI

Charang (Shellei) – Dangsha (Darlei) ni loukho tlhaiya nung Shelwa-Roiya, Darwa-Roiya toubi berou.
Makung (Yorshung) – Tontang (Paarshung) ni loukhou tlhaiya nung Thakpa-Roiya, Dakpa-Roiya toubi berou. 

  
MEITLAMPU (MEITEI LAMPU) HOIYANUNG

Charang (Shellei) ni Meitei lampu hoiyanung Dangsha (Darlei) ni putrui hoirou. 2. Dasngsha (Darlei) ni Meitei lampu hoiyanung Charang (Shellei) ni putrui hoirou. Makung (Yorshung) ni Meitei Lampu hoiyanung Tontang (Paarshung) ni putrui hoirou. Tontang (Paarshung) ni Meitei Lampu hoiyanung Makung (Yorshung) ni putrui hoirou. 


N.B:- Thakrei tlhoubam rapbei kamutri Maringa aa leinungrei waiyoubi angtu rampha phung
phalitam tomni tou mutlei.